Participatory appraisal in the UK urban health sector

Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) and Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) emerged in the context of working with rural communities in developing countries. But the principles of participation and of action-oriented research are equally valid for development work in the urban sector, and in industrialised countries. This article describes the use of participatory appraisal techniques in disadvantaged communities in the UK, in the fields of health and social welfare. Drawing on a case-study of her work, the author looks at the practical, organisational, and political difficulties inherent in bringing together multi-agency professionals and public-sector workers, and members of local communities, and in developing a functional consensus between them.     

Security sector reform: bringing the private in

As the links between security and development have been increasingly recognized, Security Sector Reform (SSR) has become a central part of development policy. Following a traditional Weberian conception of the state, these programmes are almost exclusively focused on the public security sector, neglecting the extent to which people in developing countries have come to rely on private security providers for their day-to-day security needs. While the reform of public security institutions is undoubtedly important, this article argues that a strict public/private distinction is a poor guide to security sector reform. Focusing on Sierra Leone and Kenya, the article argues that ‘bringing the private in’ is crucial to a comprehensive understanding of the security situation in most countries and that any attempt to ensure better security for all must take account of private actors. Private security companies and their integration into SSR matter not simply in terms of the maintenance of law and order, but also in terms of who has access to security, and ultimately, for the legitimacy of social and political orders.     

Urban women's informal savings and credit systems in Zambia

This article is based on findings from semi-structured interviews and discussions among "chilimba" groups in Zambia. Chilimba groups are primarily women's groups that engage in credit and savings programs. Group membership ranges from 4 to 20 members. The women agree on a fixed, regular cash contribution that is given in turn to each member in a specified order. Market groups tend to be larger and contributions of about a dollar are made daily. Smaller groups tend to make larger, but less frequent contributions. Default is rare, as the commitment is taken very seriously. New members are added at the end of the rotation. Loans can be used for domestic or business use. Chilimba groups are evidence that very poor people desire savings. Chilimba brings together people with similar financial needs and resources. Chilimba does not require formal, written procedures or formal institutional frameworks. Chilimba is not a remedy for reducing overall poverty. It is appropriate only for people with some regular source of income. It does not serve as a safety net in emergencies. Long-term loans are not possible. A limitation is its openness and lack of structure that permit potential abuse. It is a livelihood strategy for women, but benefits could be gained from including men. It is urged that groups consider whether the position of the poor is being enhanced or undermined. Different models need to be tested. Members themselves must decide on the type and phasing of activities.     

The situation of women in the agribusiness sector in Africa

This practical note syntheses the proceedings of a gender forum on women in agribusiness, which took place in Nairobi, Kenya in April 2015. The workshop session of the forum focused on two themes: financing options and entrepreneurship capacities. The public session covered six main areas: (1) post-harvest food management, (2) policies to enhance affirmative action, (3) regional integration and international trade, (4) technologies, (5) land and water management for agriculture, and (6) the next generation of agribusiness entrepreneurs. The multi-sectoral forum brought together some key stakeholders across East Africa to share experiences and best practices, increase mutual learning, and expand public discourse on the subject.     

CSR and social conflict in the Brazilian extractive sector

ABSTRACT

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is an important means to address conflicts, support local development and build trust between businesses and civil society. Yet CSR often fails to live up to its ambitions and can even exacerbate conflicts between companies and communities. In this article we consider how changing CSR strategies over the past four decades between Brazilian company Vale to Norwegian company Hydro have fomented or mitigated company–community conflicts in Northern Brazil. We find that paternalistic and philanthropic approaches of Vale over time led to deep resentment and mistrust due to underdevelopment and environmental damages. Moreover, while Hydro’s more modern CSR strategies sought to deepen community engagement and build legitimacy, the company has struggled in addressing the legacies inherited from Vale and past and current civil society grievances. The case suggests that even forward-thinking CSR approaches are vulnerable to failure where they prioritise business risk over community engagement, neglect to account for past legacies in areas of operation, and fail to create a shared vision of future development. It suggests that EI companies should both understand and engage with their social and environmental impacts in the past, present, and future and create shared economic benefits in the short and long term in order to address social conflicts.     

Public sector trade unions in the face of privatisation

This paper looks at the nature and extent of privatisation around the world, including an analysis of the bodies or interests which promote this 'panacea' policy. It identifies a number of responses which public sector trade unions have made to such policies, especially where these have been ideologically driven. It offers some examples of ways in which trade unions have developed their own models/proposals for modernisation of public services and shows how these have been both challenges and benefits to unions and service recipients. It looks at how agencies such as the World Bank have responded to these initiatives.     

One-stop border posts and informal livelihoods in Busia,Kenya

‘One-stop border posts’ (OSBP) are being developed on East African trade corridors to support growth in cross-border trade in the region. This article presents a household survey examining the impact of the OSBP at Busia on the Kenya–Uganda border on the livelihoods of informal traders and workers. It finds positive effects through enhanced access to cross-border trade. However, it also finds negative effects, including reduced work opportunities for unskilled manual workers. Further research is needed into the long-term effects on the price and foreign exchange differentials which currently incentivise the informal trade, before the effects can be fully assessed.     

妇女在拉美非正规部门的就业特点

近年来 ,妇女在拉美劳动力市场中的比重一直呈上升趋势 ,这主要是由以下 4个方面的原因造成的 :城市化进程引起人口流动 ,大量农村妇女进入城市寻找工作 ;妇女受教育程度的普遍提高 ,使她们有更多的机会进入劳动力市场 ;提高家庭收入的需要促使妇女进入劳动力市场 ,80年代中期经济危机时期 ,这种情况在低收入、多子女的家庭中显得尤为突出 ;以妇女为主要经济来源的家庭逐渐增多 ,使越来越多的女性进入劳动力市场。目前 ,妇女在拉美劳动力市场中的比重超过2 5 % ,也就是说 ,有 5 0 0 0多万的女性参加就业。而对拉美 1 2个城市地区的家庭进行…     

Disguised warlordism and combatanthood in Balkh: the persistence of informal power in the formal Afghan state

This paper considers disarmament efforts in northern Afghanistan as a Tillyean bargaining process between the state and its armed competitors in the absence of strong, pre-existing formal institutions. Contrary to the ambitious aims of DDR and security sector reform, a political deal emerged in Balkh province that drew warlord-commander Atta Mohammed Noor into the state in order to prevent him and his subordinates from undermining it entirely from the outside. Governor Atta has since established a significant degree of surveillance and penetration as a function of managing loyalists who might otherwise pose a threat to the province's stability. He has embraced formal institution-building to an extent but maintains a degree of informal power that ensures his dominance in the region and his influence vis-à-vis Kabul. While the result of this arrangement does not represent ‘good governance’ in Weberian terms, it has yielded certain dividends for the state and the international community, from security and reconstruction to counter-narcotics, and may represent the best that can be expected under the challenging circumstances of post-2001 Afghanistan.     

Re-animating a radioactive landscape: informal life politics in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster

The earthquake, tsunami and nuclear accident of 11 March 2011 posed massive and continuing social challenges to communities in the affected areas. People from wide areas around the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant received vastly conflicting information about the levels of radiation released and about the likely health effects. They were left facing agonising decisions whether to remain and face possible (but uncertain) long-term health risks, or whether to move away, leaving behind homes, friends, jobs, schools and communities. Focusing on the case of the small farming community of Tōwa in Nihonmatsu City, this article examines self-help activities that have emerged in the affected areas in the wake of 3/11. The activities have included community monitoring of radiation levels and collaborative research with academic scientists to explore ways to reduce radioactive contamination in forests, farm soil and crops. The self-help activities of Tōwa residents can be seen as an example of “informal life politics” – that is, of the way in which grassroots groups respond to challenges to their livelihood or way of life by organising themselves and taking actions outside the sphere of formal governmental structures. It is argued here that the residents of Tōwa were able to respond rapidly to the challenges of the Fukushima disaster because they had already developed informal life politics practices in response to earlier challenges of local economic decline and depopulation. I also suggest that, in responding to the Fukushima disaster, the relationship between the people of Tōwa and their landscape has been profoundly changed, and that this change has implications not just for the community itself but also for the wider world.     

Facilitating the entry of communities in the herbal medicine sector: GMCL in India

The medicinal plant sector is on the increase in many developing countries. Despite this, the existing supply chain is unable to improve the livelihoods of the gatherers. This article considers Gram Mooligai Company Limited (GMCL), the first community-based enterprise active in the herbal sector. GMCL promotes a more equitable sharing of benefits in the sector, while also aiming for a more sustainable use of natural resources. The article draws conclusions and lessons about supporting such types of enterprises, reforming the herbal-sector supply chain, and promoting new forms of partnership between ayurvedic firms and communities.     

(Re-)building governance in post-conflict Africa: the role of the state and informal institutions

Post-conflict governance is an increasingly important aspect of foreign development assistance in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where the weakening and disintegration of the state undermine sustainable human development. A major challenge in post-conflict rebuilding in SSA concerns the incorporation of subnational non-state structures and informal institutions into the post-conflict governance apparatus. In order to tackle this apparent gap in sustainable peacebuilding, more theoretical and empirical research is needed into the nuanced role(s) and contribution(s) of the post-conflict state in reconstituting governance and rehabilitating communities. This article discusses the post-Washington Consensus (PWC), an emerging development approach which seeks to re-introduce the role of the state in development and post-conflict studies. The central proposition of the article is that, contrary to the anti-statist premise of the Washington Consensus, states, non-state structures, and informal institutions play an important role in cultivating institutional reconciliation, interpenetration, and integration between macro-level government structures and subnational social institutions.