Authoritarian Liberalism in the European Constitutional Imagination: Second Time as Farce?

The current crisis in Europe recalls the theory and practice of authoritarian liberalism, the idea that in order to protect economic liberalism and respect for fiscal discipline, representative democracy must be curtailed. This configuration was first identified by Hermann Heller in late Weimar as a response to the imperative to maintain the ideological separation of state and economy and presented by Karl Polanyi as conditioned by broader geo‐political pressure to maintain the gold standard in the inter‐war period. Authoritarian liberalism is now conditioned by conflicting imperatives to maintain the project of the single currency, respect ordo‐liberal concerns of moral hazard, and protect ‘militant democracy’ but only in one country. Does this reflect a broader geo‐political disequilibrium, due to tensions between market integration, constitutionalism and democracy?     

Constitutional pluralism: Chronicle of a death foretold?

What remains of the idea of constitutional pluralism in the wake of the Euro‐crisis? According to the new anti‐pluralists, the recent OMT saga signals its demise, calling to an end the tense stalemate between the ECJ and the German Constitutional Court on the question of ultimate authority. With the ECJ's checkmate, OMT represents a new stage in the constitutionalisation of the European Union, towards a fully monist order. Since constitutional pluralism was an inherently unstable and undesirable compromise, that is both inevitable and to be welcomed. It is argued here that this is misguided in attending to the formal at the expense of the material dimension of constitutional development. The material perspective reveals a deeply dysfunctional constitutional dynamic, of which the judicial battle in OMT is merely a surface reflection. This dynamic now reaches a critical conjuncture, encapsulated in the debate over ‘Grexit’, and the material conflict between solidarity and austerity. Constitutional pluralism, in conclusion, may be an idea worth defending, but as a normative plea for the co‐existence of a horizontal plurality of constitutional orders. This requires radical constitutional re‐imagination of the European project.     

The French Constitutional Law of 23 July 2008 as seen by MPs: Working or Talking Parliament?

The French constitutional law of 2008 is, with the modification of 47 articles, the most important revision of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, at least in quantitative terms. Surprisingly, there have been few attempts to evaluate the effects of the reform, whose official aim was to improve the status of the role of the (traditionally weak) French parliament. The purpose of this contribution is to analyse how MPs themselves judge this reform and its effects, especially on the role of the parliament and its everyday work. To do so we make use of the data of the LEGIPAR research project (September 2009–January 2011): 227 MPs answered closed and open questions about their perception of parliamentary work in face-to-face interviews. The data of the project DEPASTRA (2005–6) allow for a comparison with MPs' positions before the vote of the constitutional revision of 2008.     

Discursive Ethics as Constitutional Theory. Neglecting the Creative Role of Economic Liberties?

Habermas' discourse theory stresses the autonomy of public deliberation transcending the spontaneous emergence of private networks of legal relationships between individuals. Only the public discourse which is detached from the inertia of overlapping practical forms of coordination can refer to the ideally designed social work of legitimated interpersonal relationships. The democratic constitution is regarded as a legal institutionalization of the priority of the public forum of discourse. Conceptions related to classical liberalism would question the cognitive potential of public deliberation, and even deny its productivity as a normative frame of reference for (post‐)modern societies which are confronted with the challenge of uncertainty and the continuous process of self‐transformation.     

Brazil��s growth performance: a comparative perspective to the Asian giants

We compare economic efficiencies in Brazil, India, and China, where economic efficiency measures the gap between potential and actual output for a given input combination and technological factor. We use stochastic production frontier models to measure the contributions of factors of production and technology to growth and estimate non-positive error terms that capture production inefficiencies in each country. The results suggest that China and India had relatively inefficient production in the early 1980s but have since improved production efficiency substantially. In the same period, production efficiency in Brazil has lagged those of China and India. The gap between Brazil??s production efficiency and those of its Asian peers has narrowed in recent years. However, production remains more efficient in China and India, supporting more rapid growth in these countries relative to Brazil.     

The ARAB Spring’s Constitutional Indigestion: Has Democracy Failed in the Middle East?

In 2013, 3 years after the advent of the ‘Arab Spring’, there is still no single unifying political reform narrative in the Arab World. The unprecedented opportunity for reform and state building appears to have stalled with Islamist movements more concerned with questions of Islamic identity and religious ethics rather than constitutionalism. Incoming governments have lapsed back to the use of police power to curb dissent and protest thus raising the crucial questions: Have post-revolution events proven that the Middle East is incompatible with democracy? Is entrenching democracy in the Middle East failing?     

Shadow chairs as monitoring device? A comparative analysis of committee chair powers in Western European parliaments

Recent work on coalition governance claims that government parties use the chairs of parliamentary committees to ‘shadow’ ministers and thus to monitor coalition partners. This argument rests on the assumption that committee chairs enjoy special powers to extract information from ministries and to affect policy-making in committee. To test this assumption, the paper develops the first comparative measure of committee chair powers in fifteen Western European democracies. The analysis shows that most committee chairs have very limited formal powers and that the share of shadowing chairs does not increase when committee chairs are more powerful. Both findings cast doubt on the interpretation of shadow chairs as a monitoring device. We sketch an alternative explanation according to which coalition parties employ the shadowing strategy in order to increase public visibility and to counteract issue ownership by the minister’s party.     

Patenting human beings: do sub-human creatures deserve constitutional protection?

The availability of patents for genetically altered animals raises questions about the patentability of human beings. Genetic research will produce beings who fall halfway between what we currently think of as "animal" and "human." It is unclear on which side of the legal line these creatures will fall. In April 1988, Congress revised the Patent Act with a statement that human beings are not to be considered patentable subject matter. Congress, however, failed to supply a definition of the term "human being." A definition will clarify the legal status of sub-human creatures. The author addresses this problem and proposes a definition of "human being" as an amendment to the Patent Act.     

Should Empathy Play any Role in the Interpretation of Constitutional Rights?

This paper explores the role that empathy can play in the interpretation of constitutional rights. It starts by analyzing the complex concept of empathy, comparing it with similar yet distinct concepts such as projection, sympathy and emotional contagion, then it discusses the widespread distrust of empathy among lawyers and legal thinkers. It will be argued that empathy can play a significant role in the interpretation of constitutional rights, mostly in identifying the interests and needs put forward in the claims and counterclaims of the parties. In the final section, the impact of empathetic judging on judicial minimalism will be briefly discussed.     

Reproductive behavior and contraceptive practices in comparative perspective,Switzerland (1955–1970)

This paper focuses on marital birth control practices c. 1955–1970, i.e. before the era of widespread uniform adoption of modern contraceptives, in two nearby Swiss cities characterized by different religious cultures. It asks how responsibility for contraceptive practices was shared within the marital couple, whether it was the object of discussion between spouses, how the choice of a method of contraception was made and how religious culture affected these elements. This paper uses written sources reflecting medical authorities' views about birth control and 48 semi-structured interviews with elderly persons from the lower middle and working classes. The results point to three key conclusions. Firstly, the findings show a joint responsibility of both spouses for contraceptive practices. Secondly, the paper shows that religious culture plays a key role in the access to means of birth control. Specifically, Fribourg gynecologists were reluctant to prescribe modern methods. Thirdly, the results underline that a combination of methods are used throughout reproductive life, depending on the spouses' desire to have additional children and on men and women's individual attitudes toward birth control methods.     

The parliamentary activity of the head of government in Ireland (1923–2000) in comparative perspective

This article examines the parliamentary activity of the head of government in Ireland in selected years from 1923 to 2000 and compares the findings with previous studies of the British and Canadian systems. The results show that, similar to the UK and Canada, there is variation in the level of parliamentary activity in Ireland from one head of government to another. However, contrary to the British and Canadian experience, in the Irish case the data show that the head of government's overall level of parliamentary activity has generally increased over time. In short, Irish heads of government are not necessarily more active than their contemporary British and Canadian counterparts. However, in a number of respects they are certainly more active than their Irish predecessors used to be. These findings suggest that there is now a greater degree of indirect accountability in the Irish system than was previously the case.