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1.
In this article, I show how the term lawfare is being deployed as a speech act in order to encode the field of human rights as a national security threat. The objective, I claim, is to hinder the work of human rights organizations that produce and disseminate knowledge about social wrongs perpetrated by military personnel and government officials, particularly evidence of acts emanating from the global war on terrorism—such as torture and extrajudicial executions—that constitute war crimes and can be presented in courts that exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Israel as a case study, I investigate the local and global dimensions of the securitization processes, focusing on how different securitizing actors—academics, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, policy makers, and legislators—mobilize the media, shape public opinion, lobby legislators and policy makers, introduce new laws, and pressure donors to pave the way for a form of exceptional intervention to limit the scope of human rights work.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This study assessed the role of alternative dispute resolution options in the complaints management systems of the eight policing jurisdictions in Australia and the single jurisdiction of New Zealand. The available literature shows that a large proportion of complainants would like to participate in mediation, and that both complainants and police who experience mediation report much higher rates of satisfaction than those experiencing traditional adversarial investigative and adjudicative processes. Experiences with informal dispute resolution or ‘conciliation’ options are more mixed, and they are susceptible to tokenism and misuse as a convenient administrative means of disposing of complaints. Despite this situation, the data obtained from police and oversight agency sources in this study showed that options were limited to informal resolution conducted by senior officers, with an ostensible focus on behavioral improvement but with no meaningful publicly available data on outcomes. The paper concludes by advocating for a best practice complaints management system that includes mediation within a consultative framework focused on behavioral improvement.  相似文献   

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刘兵红 《政法学刊》2013,30(1):63-67
产生于中世纪的英国衡平法地产权是英国财产法极具特色的制度安排。衡平法地产权经历了从对人权到对世权的演变之路:起初,衡平法法院在承认受托人普通法地产权人权利的基础上赋予衡平法权益人对受托人请求交付地产收益的相对性的权利,后来衡平法权益人的利益可以对抗除支付合理对价且善意受领普通法地产的第三人以外的任何人,成为真正对世权意义上的地产权。了解衡平法地产权之演变可以了解对人权与对世权对话与沟通,有助于各种财产权的权利性质的分析与把握。  相似文献   

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以人权促进发展:工具性人权论   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
龚向和  袁立 《河北法学》2011,29(5):46-55
人权与发展是当今世界两大议题,而长久以来人权与发展在两条互不搭界的轨道上运行,人权与发展的结合能为人类增添更多福祉。人权是发展的目的,发展是为了扩展人权,这是目的性人权论。而人权必须以经济社会发展为基础,且人权能够促进经济社会发展,因而"以人权促进发展"的工具性人权,是人权最终得以保障的最佳路径。工具性人权有着深厚的法理底蕴、现实基础和规范支撑,人权演进的历史其实就是一部工具性人权的发展史,从古代到现代、从美国到中国的实践经验无不表明人权对发展的重大作用,世界人权宪章等国际规范性文件无不论证着工具性人权的重要价值。  相似文献   

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Studies of the police have reported that much of the work patrol persons do is service-oriented. However, many of those researches relied upon citizen-initiated involvements as units of analysis. Here the distinction has been made between reactive and proactive forms of police mobilization. When activity data are analyzed in this fashion, it is found that the police initiate a larger proportion of law enforcement activities than was supposed. The implications for research are discussed.  相似文献   

6.
This ethnographic analysis of one of the core human rights conventions suggests that despite the lack of enforceability of this convention and its operation within the framework of state sovereignty, it is similar to state law. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, or CEDAW, the major UN convention on the status of women, articulates a vision of women's equal protection from discrimination and addresses gender-based violence as a form of discrimination. It had been ratified by 171 nation states as of mid-2003. Its implementation relies on a complex process of periodic reporting to a global body meeting in New York and a symbiotic if sometimes contentious relationship between government representatives and international and domestic NGOs. Like state law, it serves to articulate and name problems and delineate solutions. It provides a resource for activists endeavoring to address problems of women's status and turns the international gaze on resisting nations. Its regulatory strength depends on the cultural legitimacy of the international process of consensus building and related social movements to define social justice in these terms. Thus, like state law, its impact depends on its cultural legitimacy and its embodiment in local cultures and legal consciousness. This examination of CEDAW as quasi law extends our understanding of law as a plural and a symbolic system rooted in a particular historical moment of globalization.  相似文献   

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庞从容 《政法学刊》2011,28(6):82-87
人权是我们这个时代的共同话语,同时也是一个深刻、敏感并极富争议性的论题,其中人权概念就是一个必须认真对待的基本问题。现代人权概念是一个历时性与共时性相互作用的产物。在人类的人权发展史上,曾先后出现过人权的几个基本概念,厘清这些概念将有助于我们理解人权概念本身的演变及其内涵与外延的丰富与发展过程。它们从某个角度记载了人权事业发展的曲折艰难历程和人类在人权事业上不断进步的足迹。  相似文献   

10.
人格权法与中国民法典的制定   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
在制定中国民法典的讨论中 ,关于人格权法的位置安排是其中最为重要的问题之一。考察大陆法系国家民法典对人格权的规定及参照我国学者的观点 ,我们认为 ,民事主体制度 (人法 )和侵权行为法不能承担规定人格权的重担。从人格权的全面保护角度而言 ,人格权法应独立成编。以此为基础 ,本文提出了人格权法编大致的内容设计。  相似文献   

11.
The right to privacy is a right that is universally recognised and which encompasses the protection of the genetic codes. However, this is not an absolute right and is limited when certain interests come into play. This article highlights such limits, analysing the different uses that can be made with the genetic data, as well as the dangers that such uses can entail.  相似文献   

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对于构建中国人权话语而言,马克思的人权思想是一项非常重要的理论资源。然而,改革开放以来的中国学者对马克思人权思想的阐释,从一开始就存在着一种"启蒙范式"的理解路向,这使得以批判和超越启蒙人权话语为逻辑起点的马克思人权思想最终落入启蒙人权话语范式的桎梏之中。马克思的人权思想,实际上从根本上证伪了启蒙人权话语范式。对于马克思而言,生发自启蒙思想的人权话语,只是一个表达人权之低位标准的"老问题",局限于对异化之现实的承认和维护。而马克思显然不满足于这种低阶标准,并以"普罗米修斯精神"提出"人的解放"这一"新问题",在主体范式、价值范式和权利话语范式三个层面上超越了启蒙人权话语范式,从而对人权之理念内核做出了更加彻底的推进,亦为未来的人权实践提供了更加坚实的基础与先导性理论。这正是马克思人权思想留下的最宝贵遗产,它向我们表明,构建新时代中国人权话语体系,不应停留在启蒙人权话语中自我设限,而更应从"人类共同命运"这一更加宏大的立足点出发,去发现和解决真正事关人类共同价值的"新的真问题"。  相似文献   

13.
Owen  David 《荷兰国际法评论》2018,65(3):299-317
Netherlands International Law Review - This article considers contemporary predicaments of nationality rights against the background of reflection on Arendt’s phrase ‘the right to have...  相似文献   

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论作为人权和公民权的表达权   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
党的十七大报告首次提出保障公民的"表达权"的概念和承诺.表达自由是首要的基本人权和公民权,是公民实现政治参与的前提.其中言论自由是表达自由的核心,是公民参与政治、监督国家、实现当家作主的必由之路,是推进先进思想文化和人类精神境界的动力.新闻自由则是作为人民对政府和公众人物进行舆论监督的镜鉴.而没有出版自由,则其他一切自由都是泡影.论述体现在这三方面的表达自由的理念和规范.  相似文献   

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贺鉴 《河北法学》2005,23(7):133-135
区域性人权公约与全球性国际人权公约都规定了国家指控制度、个人申诉制度以及国家报告制度。与全球性国际人权保护制度相比,区域性人权保护制度更具可行性。由于区域内各国历史传统、政治、经济、文化、宗教等都比较接近,区域内人权标准更统一,所保护的权利主体也更具体,区域性人权保护制度在人权保护中取得了显著成绩。尤其是个人申诉制度,丰富了国际法与国际人权法的主体体系,对人权的国际保护产生了重大影响。  相似文献   

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No assessment of the state of human rights today could be complete without some consideration of the situation of asylum seekers and the political trends behind it. Four years after the implementation of the 1998 Act, asylum seekers are perhaps more denigrated in rhetoric and harsh practice than they were even before the first promise that rights would be 'brought home' for all 'people' in the United Kingdom. This piece looks at the undermining of the very concept of asylum, dehumanizing policies such as forced destitution, and attacks on access to legal process for those making asylum claims. It goes on to consider judicial attempts at coping with the arena in which high politics and fundamental rights seem in greatest tension. Finally it considers potential implications for the broader aspiration of building a human rights culture in this country.  相似文献   

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论中国宪法与国际人权法对三代人权的保护   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
贺鉴 《法律科学》2010,28(2):65-70
在人类发展的不同历史阶段上,在同一历史时期不同社会发展水平的空间分布上,人权都被赋予了不同的内容。迄今,已产生了三代人权。国际社会制定了一系列的国际人权文件,从国际法上对三代人权予以确认。中华人民共和国成立以后,借鉴有关国际人权法和外国宪法,先后颁布了四部宪法和相关修正案,对三代人权予以不同程度的确认,但也还有一些基本人权没有涉及,或者尚未明示确认。建议以后修宪时将三代人权的主要内容明确、完整地予以确认,必要时可作适当声明和保留,以完善我国宪法对三代人权的保护。  相似文献   

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