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Negotiation teachers encourage their students to be inventive,improve agreements, and push outward on the "pareto" frontier.Likewise, teachers can improve their practice by seeking value, sometimesin other disciplines. In general, negotiation is taught through acombination of lectures with simulation exercises and debriefings. Feministpedagogy enhances this normative model of teaching negotiation. Thisarticle links the traditional method of teaching negotiation with four keyprinciples of feminist pedagogy.  相似文献   

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Restructuring a negotiation with evolutionary systems design   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
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Fifteen years ago, the European Union (EU) launched a Common European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Since then, the CSDP has been the focus of a growing body of political and scholarly evaluations. While most commentators have acknowledged shortfalls in European military capabilities, many remain cautiously optimistic about the CSDP’s future. This article uses economic alliance theory to explain why EU member states have failed, so far, to create a potent common defence policy and to evaluate the policy’s future prospects. It demonstrates, through theoretical, case study-based and statistical analysis, that CSDP is more prone to collective action problems than relevant institutional alternatives, and concludes that the best option for Europeans is to refocus attention fully on cooperation within a NATO framework.  相似文献   

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James Kurth 《Orbis》2012,56(1):39-59
The rapid rise of Chinese economic and military power has produced the most fundamental change in the global system since the end of the Cold War, and it poses vital questions about China's future direction. Many Western analysts argue that China's great power will cause it to become more like the West, i.e., like Western great powers. Other Western analysts believe that China will continue to be the same, i.e., like the China of the past few decades. An alternative interpretation, however, is that China's new power will enable it to become even more Chinese than it is now, i.e., to become more like the traditional and imperial China that existed before the Western intrusions of the 19th century. This China was the “Central State” of a distinctive Chinese world order, operating with distinctive conceptions about diplomatic relations, military strategy, and economic exchange. However, the new China will be unlike the old China in at least two important ways. It will be a naval, and not just a land, power, and it will be a financial, and not just a trading, power. In other words, it will be a powerful China with Western characteristics. As a formidable naval and financial power, China will present fundamental challenges to the United States and to both the long-standing U.S. security order in the Western Pacific and the long-standing “Washington Consensus” about the global economic order.  相似文献   

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海洋命运共同体理念的提出为海洋法治建设指明了方向,而海洋法治建设则为海洋命运共同体的实现提供了重要保障。进入新时代以来,中国通过海洋立法、修订已有涉海法律、积极参与国际海洋法律与规则的制定、坚决捍卫国际海洋法治等举措,推动了全球海洋治理和海洋命运共同体建设。面对百年未有之大变局,中国应在习近平法治思想和海洋命运共同体理念指导下,进一步完善海洋法治体系,切实提高海洋治理能力,从而为全球海洋秩序变革做出自身贡献。  相似文献   

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Intra-industry trade—trade in different varieties of the same product between countries with similar factor endowments—has been an important and surprising feature of the postwar international economy. Economists have explained this trade with models of monopolistic competition, which suggest that intra-industry trade does not have the stark distributional consequences that the more traditional "endowments-based" trade does. I do not dispute that claim here, although I do dispute a political implication drawn from it—that intra-industry trade produces less political action than endowments-based trade. I argue that, because firms involved in intra-industry trade are monopolists, lobbying essentially becomes a private good . If intra-industry trade places costs on firms, they do not have less incentive to take political action to stop it, as the conventional wisdom suggests. I provide evidence for this contention from complaints lodged with the International Trade Commission. The results show that the higher the degree of intra-industry trade the more likely an industry will request protection from the ITC.  相似文献   

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新中国成立以来,中国外交大致经历了三个历史阶段:侧重于揭露帝国主义和超级大国的侵略政策一重点转到为实现现代化争取长期和平的国际环境一全面融入国际社会,为实现“和谐世界”目标而努力。总结新中国60年来国际关系和外交理论研究的经验教训,吸收中国传统文化精华与西方国际关系和外交理论的优秀成果,建立中国特色的国际关系理论范式,是时代赋予的使命。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

In spite of the conventional wisdom stated by various authors that ‘we are living in the information age’ – a communication era characterised by a global expansion in the reach of mass media and electronic information ‘superhighways’ that span the globe – it is clear that there is growing realisation that it is still difficult to reach and communicate with rural communities in South Africa. The main aim of this article is therefore to examine the application of development communication theories in practice when communicating with communities in the Third World. In this article I argue that the viability of and prospects for effective communication with communities depend on three interrelated aspects. Firstly, the viability and prospects depend on current theoretical trends or approaches in development communication, because at the root of development communication – regardless of how this concept is defined – lies the issues of a structured and theoretical approach to community communication which are determined by current trends. Secondly, and crucial to the viability and prospects of community communication, is the question of which development communication methods or media to apply at the various stages of communication to reach the different target audiences. Thirdly, the viability and prospects for successful community communication will be influenced by an integrated approach to the application of development communication methods and media in development communication programmes or strategies.  相似文献   

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正Speech by Mr.Wang Yajun,Vice-Minister of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee and Advisor to CNIE,at the opening ceremony of the first SCO People’s Forum  相似文献   

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美朝对抗引发双方矛盾加剧并有突破极限、激化升级的可能。日本出现政治上更加右倾化的苗头,有可能乘美朝矛盾激化之机推动自身的加速发展。美国政策的制度化和朝鲜的不妥协政策将使东北亚安全局势面临更为严峻的考验。  相似文献   

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应用不同醋酸地塞米松剂量和不同猪源隐孢子虫sucp株卵囊剂量建立了昆明系小鼠感染模型。结果表明,用DEX免疫抑制的感染小鼠均排出隐孢子虫卵囊,非免疫抑制感染组和空白对照组小鼠均没有排出卵囊。卵囊排出高峰期平均在感染后第5~12 d,高峰期的OPG值为5.53×105~17.97×105。组织切片和扫描电镜观察结果显示,在十二指肠、空肠和回肠都有隐孢子虫虫体寄生,其中回肠黏膜微绒毛上的虫体数量较多。合适的卵囊和DEX剂量为每只17日龄小白鼠感染10×105个猪源隐孢子虫卵囊和灌胃DEX 0.03 mg/d。  相似文献   

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欧盟遭遇成立以来从未有过的困难局面。欧盟出路何在,这是全世界都关注的问题。作者对欧盟面临的主要问题及根源进行了综述。未来,欧盟不会解体,经济联合还会深化;欧盟扩大的步伐将放慢,在可预见的时期内难以形成有行动能力的独立政治力量和军事力量。  相似文献   

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在发展同泰国的经贸关系中,广西与云南具有许多相似点,例如广西与云南的区位优势都很明显,都是中国通向东南亚的桥头堡,与泰国距离都很近;根据专家的研究,云南的傣族、广西的壮族与泰国的民族都是"同源异流",双方习俗相似、语音相近,两省区都有不少华侨华人在泰国.更重要的是,云南与广西在产业结构上都是工业不发达以农业为基础的省份,两省区与泰国产业结构趋同和产业水平相近,产业内贸易在双方贸易总额中所占比重很大.在这样相同的背景下,对云南与泰国的经贸关系和广西与泰国的经贸关系进行比较分析,找出其中的差距,借鉴云南的经验,挖掘自身的优势,对于进一步推动广西与泰国的经贸关系的发展无疑具有重要的意义.  相似文献   

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There is growing research on populist actors and their impact on the democratic system, but little has been written on how to deal with populist actors in government. To respond to this question, in this article we develop a theoretical framework that distinguishes three levels of analysis. First, we identify the set of domestic and external actors that can try to cope with the coming into power of populist forces. Second, we offer an overview of the different strategies that can be employed to react against populist actors in government. Third, we argue that it is important to consider the timing of the reactions. In addition, we also present a brief summary of the articles that are part of this special issue.  相似文献   

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正On 22 June 2018,Deputy Secretary-General Liu Kaiyang led a CAFIU delegation to attend a consultation with NGOs at the UN headquarter in New York.Initiated by the UN Economic and  相似文献   

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