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1.
西方政党党内民主建设的基本经验是中国共产党党内民主建设可资利用的有效资源。当前,为增强政治竞争力,西方政党党内民主建设出现了党内民主扩大化与组织专业化和权力集中化两种看似矛盾的辩证发展趋势。考察和分析西方政党党内民主的这种辩证发展趋势,并从中总结出中国共产党党内民主建设可资借鉴的经验启示,对于拓展党内民主建设的新空间、新境界无疑具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

2.
张丹 《团结》2011,(5):18-19
党内民主是党的生命,但什么是党内民主?如何界定党内民主?影响党内民主发展的因素又是什么?通过梳理西方学者对党内民主的研究,可以为更好认识党内民主、进一步发展中国党内民主提供借鉴。党内民主概念的界定在政党学研究鼻祖奥斯特罗果尔斯基看来,政党一开始就出现了弊端,通过考察分析,他认  相似文献   

3.
一些西方政党在现代民主政治进程中,为了生存和发展的需要,对党内民主建设方面作了积极的探索,尤其突出的是把公共政治生活中的竞争性民主和协商性民主引入到党内,进一步拓展了党内民主发展路径;一方面加强党内竞争性民主制度建设,另一方面注重党内协商性民主制度建设.以协商性民主弥补竞争性民主制度的某些缺失,坚持走竞争性与协商性兼容之路,延伸和更新党内民主的传统功能,以提高政党的竞争力、生存力和凝聚力.  相似文献   

4.
十月革命后列宁领导俄共(布)就加强党的政治建设进行了积极的实践。一是划清马克思主义与错误思潮的界限,如把党的名称改为俄国共产党(布),划清马克思主义政党与西方社会民主党、社会党的界限;制定和实施新经济政策,划清党的正确的政治路线与孟什维克错误言行的界限。二是同党内错误的政治派别作斗争,使党的事业前进在正确的政治路线上。如革命刚胜利时同以加米涅夫为首的“妥协派”作斗争,维护和巩固党的执政地位;同托洛茨基派、民主集中派、工人反对派等作斗争,维护党对国民经济发展的领导权。三是反对官僚主义,使党内充盈清明廉洁的正气。四是维护党中央权威,促进集体领导,加强党内监察,营造党内民主与和谐的政治生活氛围。  相似文献   

5.
民主社会主义是西方发达国家社会党、社会民主党所信奉的思想理论体系。长期以来,我们一直将其视为反马克思主义的资产阶级改良主义思潮,是与科学社会主义根本对立的社会主义冒牌货。由于民主社会主义在苏东剧变中发挥了重要的影响和作用,更是被当作西方“和平演变”的罪魁祸首  相似文献   

6.
党内民主是一个历史性的、多层次的概念。马克思主义经典作家在创立和建设无产阶级政党的过程当中,对党内民主的内涵和本质进行了初步的阐释。中国共产党的几代领导人继承了马克思主义经典作家的党内民主思想,并对党内民主进行了深入分析,指出党内民主既是目的也是手段,既是制度也是原则。依据马克思主义的党内民主思想,国内学术界对党内民主的概念进行了学理上的研究,对党内民主概念的理解既有共识也有分歧。  相似文献   

7.
对发展党内民主问题的若干思考   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
发展党内民主对于保持党的革命性、先进性具有重要意义。要充分重视党内民主,正确认识和处理党内民主与民主集中制的关系,汲取苏共演变的教训。既克服封建主义残余思想的影响,又要警惕西方资产阶级民主思想的影响与渗透,保证党内民主建设沿着正确方向不断推进。  相似文献   

8.
自中共中央做出关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定以来,理论界对外国执政党兴衰成败的经验教训探讨.已成为执政理论研究中的一个重要课题。作为有重要影响的现代政党,西欧社会党独特的执政经历及其党内民主改革的做法经验.是值得我们深入探究的。  相似文献   

9.
《学理论》2015,(27)
民主社会主义,在人类历史的进程中打下过深刻的印记,在20世纪后期出现社会危机,西方社会党就思考如何能脱离困境,英国的工党最后主张发展第三条道路,称之为民主社会主义的现代化方略,并得到西欧主要国家社会党的认同。第三条道路的提出具有其时代特征,经济、政治各方面都有比较务实的社会治理方略,其针对社会基层和广大公民的改革治理方略,对中国当下治理思路有十分重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

10.
党内存在党员权利"组织赋予"、党内选举由组织"控制局面"、党内民主讨论中"消除杂音"等潜观念."党内潜观念"影响是在封建官僚文化的潜在影响和领导权力过分集中的制度缺陷相互作用下形成的.消除"党内潜观念"的影响,要加强党内民主文化建设,着力消除传统官僚政治文化影响,吸收借鉴西方民主文化的有益成分,科学准确地把握马克思主义民主理念.  相似文献   

11.
在马克思主义经典作家那里,民主是社会主义的本质属性,是无产阶级和人民群众的原则,更是无产阶级政党的旗帜,甚至某种程度上说,民主就是社会主义。社会主义民主重在实践,没有民主的实践就不可能有社会主义,而社会主义国家如果不实行充分的民主,就不能保证它所取得的胜利。社会主义民主的切实落实必须要有制度保障,其中废除干部职务终身制和在适当的时候实行普选制是两项关键举措。  相似文献   

12.
This article explores the development of the party organisations of the communist and socialist parties in contemporary Spain and Portugal. An attempt is made to answer the question of whether these parties resemble the western European mass party model of organisation, which is characterised by the representation and integration of a particular segment of society within the organisational structure. From the contrasting western and southern European paths towards democracy, a hypothesis is generated contending that the limited opportunities and the lack of necessity diminish the likelihood for southern European working‐class parties to build mass organisations. The empirical findings, analysing the nature and size of individual membership, as well as the nature of the linkages between parties and trade unions, reveal that, with the possible exception of the Portuguese communists, the classic mass party is not reproduced in southern Europe. At the same time, however, the model of the party as a membership organisation apparently has not lost its legitimacy.  相似文献   

13.
以党内民主推进社会民主,应看作是中国进行渐进性政治体制改革的合理路径选择,是符合中国实际情况,代价最小收益最大,最能获得各方面认同而形成最大共识的改革方案。但如何发展党内民主,目前仍有不少问题,如党内民主的可能性问题,党内民主建设的顺序问题,对民主集中制的理解问题,如何有效保障党员的民主权利问题,我们都需要进行认真地讨论,其中一些错误的观念也需要澄清。  相似文献   

14.
This article investigates to what extent social democratic parties still benefit from the support of union members at the polls. Not only are social democratic parties confronted with new competitors in the party systems, but also the union confederations of the socialist labour movement are in some countries losing their dominant position due to the rise of separate professional confederations. It is argued in the article that the effect of union membership on voting choice is conditioned by the structure of the trade union movement. The support of union members for social democracy is fostered by the strength of the confederations historically close to this party family, while it is hampered when strong separate (or politically unaffiliated) white‐collar confederations exist. Using European Social Survey and Swedish Public Opinion data, the article shows that social democratic parties still enjoy important support from trade union members, but at the same time are under fierce competition from bourgeois and green parties among members of white‐collar confederations. This reinforces the challenges for social democracy to build new voters’ coalitions in post‐industrial societies.  相似文献   

15.
《West European politics》2012,35(6):1249-1271
Issue congruence between voters and parties can be achieved if voters and parties follow the party mandate model. A central requirement of this model is that parties fulfil their electoral mandate. This article studies collective party mandate fulfilment by comparing parties’ election manifestos with the parliamentary speeches of their politicians in two countries: a typical consensus democracy, the Netherlands, and a typical majoritarian democracy, the United Kingdom. The central question is whether a difference in collective mandate fulfilment exists between these two types of democracy. Contrary to previous findings, this study finds that such a difference does not exist, at least not with regard to the two countries analysed. This can be explained by the way in which the party mandate is conceptualised. The article also analyses the development of party mandate fulfilment over time and finds no evidence for the idea that collective mandate fulfilment is declining.  相似文献   

16.
Scholars often mention the centrality of parties for the democratic political system. Indeed political parties are indispensable institutions for the linkage between state and society, and should not remain absent in any comparative analysis of citizens’ political attitudes. Yet, only rarely do scholars study how parties shape people’s opinion about democracy. This article seeks to amend this lacuna and examine empirically how party level characteristics, specifically the nature of a party’s candidate selection procedure, relate to the level of satisfaction with democracy among citizens. The authors constructed a cross-national dataset with data on the selection procedures of 130 political parties in 28 country-sessions to examine whether citizens that vote for democratically organized parties are more satisfied with the way democracy works in their country. Additionally, this relationship is examined more closely in Israel and Belgium, two countries where candidate selection procedures show substantial variation and where politicians have made a strong claim for intraparty democratization. Both the cross-national as well as the country-specific analyses indicate that democratic candidate selection are indeed associated with greater satisfaction with democracy.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract.  The number of political parties and the type of electoral system may impact the level of democratic functioning within a government. Models are used to explore whether the number of political parties increases a country's democracy score on the POLITY IV measure of democracy, and whether countries with proportional representation electoral systems have higher democracy scores than those without. Multiple regression analysis reveals that countries with proportional electoral systems have higher democracy scores. Countries involved in the Third Wave of democracy may find the choice of an electoral system among the most important issues in structuring a democratic government.  相似文献   

18.
This article studies the changing impact of social class, sector employment, and gender with regard to party choice in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, from the 1970s to the 1990s, using election survey data. Political parties in the three countries are grouped into four party groups: left socialist, social democratic, centrist, and rightist parties.
Class voting has declined in all three countries. The focus on the four party groups shows that differences between the wage-earner classes have declined for the social democratic and rightist party groups. By contrast, 'class voting' has increased for the left socialist parties, which increasingly have concentrated their support among the new middle class.
Sector employment became an important party cleavage in all three countries in the 1990s. The impact of sector was generally largest in Denmark and Norway in the 1980s and 1990s. The sector cleavage also follows the left–right division of parties to a greater degree than previously. Sector differences in voting behaviour are most pronounced with regard to voting for the left socialist and the rightist parties.
Gender differences in voting behaviour have increased and changed character in all three countries. In the 1970s, men supported the socialist parties to a greater extent than women; in the 1990s men supported the rightist parties to a greater extent than women in all three countries, whereas women supported the left socialist parties and (in Sweden) the Green Party to a greater degree than men. The effects of gender are generally reduced when sector employment is introduced into the multivariate analysis, indicating that the different sector employment of men and of women explains part of the gender gap in voting behaviour.  相似文献   

19.
This article analyses changes in party-manifesto references to democracy in post-war Britain, the French Fifth Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany in order to explore changes in political parties' statements about democracy. It finds that in recent decades parties in all three countries have generally become more supportive of and more vocal in their calls for citizen participation in political decision-making, with a related increase in expressed support for direct democracy and other opportunities for participation. It also finds that left-wing parties have tended to be more enthusiastic than right-wing parties. The article suggests that changes are most likely parties' responses to wider shifts in societal values, and it concludes with a discussion of the significance of democracy-speak for both parties and citizens.  相似文献   

20.
When a new type of party labelled ?right-wing populist“ by political scientists and journalists, arrived on the political scene in Western Europe thirty years ago, many observers thought that it would only be a short-lived manifestation of political protest. Today these parties are present in almost all European countries. Building on an introductory definition, the contribution will assess the root causes of right-wing populism, its ideological and programmatic features, its organizational traits and ways of adressing voters as well as its effects on party systems, governmental policies and the democracy in general. Concluding thoughts offer a number of recommendations how the challengers—which will in all likelihood not disappear in the near future—could be politically contained.  相似文献   

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