Bridging the academic-policy gap in Canadian defence: What more can be done?

This article assesses the academia-policy gap in Canadian defence. The field of Canadian defence studies is inherently interested in the work of defence practitioners, and the Department of National Defence has had an ongoing interest in supporting academic defence expertise. A gap nonetheless persists between the two communities, owing to their different cultures, approaches, and objectives. Drawing on personal experiences as members of both the academic and policy worlds and on findings from semi-structured interviews with serving and retired defence officials, the article examines the nature of academia-policy gap in Canadian defence, the factors that make the gap persist, and what measures can help bridge the gap.     

The CBC: Canadian? Regional? Popular? An examination of program objectives for English television

Abstract. Throughout its thirty-eight-year history, the cbc has been subject to almost constant controversy, The 1968 Broadcasting Act attempted to define more clearly the role of the Corporation within the broadcasting system by laying down certain broad objectives, but controversy continues, most recently at the crtc public hearings on the applications by the Corporation for renewal of its radio and television network licenses. This paper attempts to clarify five of the most controversial of the objectives: to define certain variables in terms of which the objectives can be quantified and cbc scores calculated; to establish target ranges within which the cbc's degree of success in achieving its objectives can be measured, both historically and at present; to construct a ‘grid’ whereby cbc probable audiences and program costs can be predicted; and to outline at least one possible strategy for the cbc to pursue in the future. the better to achieve its objectives given probable financial constraints. The paper deals primarily with the English television network, which came in for the bulk of the criticism at the crtc hearings, but could be extended to French television and, more difficult, to cbc radio. Sommaire. Durant les 38 années de son existence, Radio-Canada a fait l'objet de controverses presque constantes. La loi sur la radiodiffusion de 1968 a essayé de définir plus clairement le rôle de la Société dans le cadre du système de radiodiffusion en fixant certains objectifs généraux. Néanmoins, la controverse continue et Ie dernier cas s'est présenté aux audiences publiques du crtc au sujet des demandes de la Société pour le renouvellement des permis de son réseau de radio et de télévision. L'auteur de cette communication essaie d'éclaircir cinq des objectifs les plus controversés; de définir certaines variables par rapport auxquelles les objectifs peuvent êre quantifiés et les performances de Radio-Canada évaluées; d'établir les critères selon lesquels le degré de succès de Radio-Canada dans la réalisation de ses objectifs puisse êre mesuré, à la fois historiquement et à l'heure actuelle; d'élaborer une « grille « permettant d'estimer les auditoires probables et les coûts des programmes de Radio-Canada et d'exposer au moins une stratégie possible que la Société pourrait adopter à l'avenir et qui favoriserait la réalisation de ses objectifs, compte tenu des restrictions financières probables. Cet exposé porte surtout sur le réseau de télévision anglophone qui a été le plus critiqué aux audiences du crtc, mais il pourrait s'appliquer à la télévision francophone et avec plus de difficulté, A la radio.     

What is a meeting? Municipal councils and the Ontario ombudsman

In recent decisions, the Ontario ombudsman has developed his own definition of a “meeting” of a municipal council. The definition derives more from American statutes and judicial decisions than from any prior interpretation of Ontario (or other Canadian) law. The ombudsman's rulings claim that the law prevents municipal councillors from meeting together informally “to lay the groundwork necessary” for the council to exercise its authority. He mistakenly suggests that the policy‐making process is much more open at the federal and provincial levels of government. His rulings unduly restrain groups of municipal councillors from organizing themselves to promote policy change.     

The PRC-Laos BIT is Applicable to the Macau SAR?

On29September2016,theCourtoftheAppealoftheRepublicofSingaporeissuedthejudgmentconcerningSanumInvestmentLimitedv.TheGovernmentoftheLaoPeople’sDemocraticRepublic.Inthisjudgment,theCourtdeclaredthatthePRC-LaosBITwasapplicabletoMacauSAR.However,thejudgmentmadebytheCourtiswrongandthustriggeredaseriesofridiculousconclusionsbecauseofthewrongfulinterpretationonArticle31ofthe1969ViennaConventionontheLawofTreaties,thewrongfulidentificationonthenatureofthecustomsinternationalruleforthe“movingtreatyfrontier”rule,andtheinappropriatestandardofproofontheissueof“otherwiseestablished”.     

Birds of a feather? The role of partisanship in the 2003 Ontario government transition

The question posed in this article focuses on whether partisanship affects government transitions. The way governments assume power in Canada is an intriguing part of politics, but we have only a limited knowledge of transition mechanics. There has been no investigation into whether transitions have an inter‐governmental dimension, for instance, nor have transitions been studied with the government's partisan complexion in mind. This article addresses this gap in the literature by examining the 2003 Ontario Liberal transition through inter‐governmental and political lenses. Using indicators to assess the role and impact of partisanship, the Ontario case suggests that partisan complexions matter in how the transition process is planned and executed. The provincial team will seek advice on the matter from their federal cousins, for example, and will recruit experienced political staffers from Parliament Hill to be part of the new sub‐national government. Shared partisanship may also predict whether harmonious relations with Ottawa will prevail during the first several months in power. The article concludes by asserting that in provinces where political party organizations formally overlap or are informally intertwined across the federal divide, partisanship can play a role in determining how a new government prepares and implements its transition process.     

Fiscal rules in the Canadian provinces: Abject failure or qualified success?

Most Canadian provinces have introduced legislation to require politicians of all ideological stripes to meet annual balanced budget (BB) targets. Critics of this type of legislation argue that it is unnecessary, confining, and subject to manipulation. We examine provincial balanced budget legislation before and after the Great Recession and argue that the response of provinces needs to be evaluated taking into account the multiple objectives of fiscal policy and the behavioural changes that the rules introduce, including creative non‐compliance. Rules should be evaluated on their ability to contribute to good fiscal governance rather than on their stringency.     

From IDA to IIROC: Has self-regulation in the Canadian investment industry evolved?

This article analyzes the enforcement practices of the Investment Industry Regulatory Organization of Canada (IIROC) and compares them with its predecessor, the Investment Dealers Association of Canada (IDA). The study collected data from IIROC's tribunal cases decided between June 2008 and December 2019 and compared them with data on the IDA's enforcement of complaints from 1984 to 2008. The findings reveal no statistically significant difference in the fines imposed by the two regulatory bodies. Furthermore, IIROC has refrained from issuing lenient penalties such as retaking examinations/courses or mandating terms and conditions for offenders. The results also indicate no significant impact on the number or distribution of offense types committed in the industry over time. Most notably, the Ontario Securities Commission, the Canadian Securities Regulators, and the new Self-Regulatory Organization of Canada should consider these findings when formulating policies concerning the role of self-regulation in the financial markets.     

Globalization and the South ?What could Egypt and China do ?

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Do Canadian university students in Political Science and Public Administration learn to perform critical appraisal?

The ability to critically appraise empirical studies of any type is a prerequisite to evidence‐informed policy making. We scanned the syllabi of all Canadian university undergraduate and graduate programs in public affairs, public administration, public policy and political science. Our findings suggest that evidence‐informed policy is not yet institutionalized in most public administration and political science training curricula. We conducted a systematic review of prospective experimental and quasi‐experimental studies examining the effect of university courses aimed at training social sciences students in critical appraisal, but did not find such a study.     

Use of systematic literature reviews in Canadian government departments: Where do we need to go?

The article reports on ongoing reflections on how to improve the structures and processes by which relevant research findings produced outside Canadian government departments (for example, in universities, think tanks or other research institutions) can be more effectively found, assessed for potential biases, synthesized and disseminated to provide support to government analysts, advisers and decision makers. The focus is on how to structure and routinize research use by government analysts and advisers within a large Canadian department that has a strategic research directorate and many program divisions. Our starting point is the current situation where literature reviews that are produced and used by government analysts and advisers do not correspond to the systematic review standards. We discuss four alternative models. In two models, the whole production process would be controlled from within the department. In the other two models, external actors such as university‐based teams or independent non‐governmental evidence centres would carry the leadership in producing those reviews.     

Are non‐government policy actors being heard? Assessing New Public Governance in three Canadian provinces

This article is based on select results taken from a survey of NGO and provincial government policy workers. The purpose is to provide an empirically based assessment of how government and non‐government policy workers engage with one another in the policy process. The data suggest that policy co‐construction and co‐production are a significant feature of the process but there is some need for nuance. The data presented here indicate that the extent of policy engagement may not be as broadly inclusive as the proponents of New Governance suggest.     

Technocracy or transformation? Mapping women's policy agencies and orienting gender (in)equality in the Canadian provinces

Canadian gender equality policy has taken a “technocratic turn” that favours bureaucratic expertise to monitor and measure (in)equality rather than participatory and consultative mechanisms. While the processes and impacts of this shift are well documented at the federal level, less is known at the provincial level. This article takes stock of provincial gender equality mechanisms, demonstrating variations in women's policy agencies (WPAs) across the ten provinces. It then links these variations to the discursive politics of gender equality within each province. We demonstrate that the potential for transformative orientations of gender equality emerges in WPAs with broad consultative mechanisms.     

Beyond government? The appeal of public‐private partnerships

Abstract: For the most part, the considerable literature devoted to new public management and its subset, alternative service delivery, is enthusiastic about this dramatic shift in the role of government. The metaphor of governments steering and the private sector rowing is an appealing one that has captured the imagination of many public officials and private‐sector actors. Literature addressing this phenomenon tends to focus on defining the characteristics of various forms of government/private‐sector partnerships rather than on assessing the implications and results of actual examples. This paper attempts to complement the existing literature by examining six cases of public‐private partnerships, of both high and low profile ‐ the Confederation Bridge; the Charleswood Bridge; canarie ; rcmp /Disney; Highway 407; and Chrysler/University of Windsor. The higher profile (and more costly) ventures have placed heavy emphasis on confidentiality, which raises concerns about traditional public‐sector values such as accountability, democracy and neutrality. The conclusions of the article are mixed, but at the very least, they suggest the need for caution, vigilance and scepticism. Sommaire: Pour la plupart, c'est avec beaucoup d'enthousiasme que les nombreaux auteurs d'ouvrages sur la Nouvelle gestion publique et sur son sous‐élément, la Prestation de services de rechange, envisagent cette modification fondamentale du rôle des gouvernements. Le gouvernement au gouvernail et le secteur privé aux avirons, voilà une métaphore qui a fait de nombreux adeptes parmi les hauts fonctionnaires comme chez les intervenants du secteur privé. Plutôt que d'évaluer les répercussions et les résultats d'exemples réels, les ouvrages sur ce sujet ont tendance à focaliser sur la définition des caractéristiques de divers types de partenariats entre le gouvernement et le secteur privé. Dans cet article, nous visons à complémenter ces ouvrages en analysant six partenariats public‐privé entrepris par divers paliers de gouvernement au cours des années 1990. La gamme des cas choisis est assez hétéroclite, certains étant très connus, d'autres moins: les ponts Confédération et Charleswood, CANARIE, GRC/Disney, l'Autoroute 407 et Chrysler/Université de Windsor. Les projets plus connus (et plus coûteux) ont fortement souligné leur caractère confidentiel, ce qui a mis en cause les valeurs traditionnelles du secteur public, telles l'imputabilité, la démocratic et la neutralité. Selon les conclusions de l'article, qui sont variées, il conviendrait pour le moins de procéder avec prudence, vigilance et scepticisme.     

How do municipal mayors and councillors communicate with other levels of government? Evidence from a multi-level survey of Canadian elected officials

While past research suggests that informal processes of dialogue play an important role in municipal intergovernmental relations in Canada, we currently know very little about their character and frequency. Who do local elected officials communicate with, and through which channels? And which municipal voices carry the most weight in these conversations? This article answers these questions from the perspective of elected politicians themselves, using a pan-Canadian survey of municipal, provincial, and federal elected representatives. Our findings confirm that municipal intergovernmental relations depend heavily on informal institutions and personal relationships and highlight the key role of municipal mayors as spokespersons and advocates for municipalities in Canadian federalism.     

The privatization of housing assistance: Are housing allowances eroding government accountability?

A major change in the low‐income housing sector across nations has been the introduction of housing allowances (or vouchers/benefits) typically used on private rental markets. This change is a fundamental shift from post‐war housing policy when government was a main provider through publicly owned housing. This “privatization” is usually associated with the New Public Management. This article addresses this policy change and discusses the implications for the accountability of governments in Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta. This article argues that the policy shift from in‐kind to in‐cash has not eroded accountability due to the distinctiveness of housing assistance, compared to other social programs. Actors involved in the housing community continue to challenge governments with regard to consumption subsidies, emphasizing their flaws and imperfections. The argument is empirically probed through a comparative analysis over 50 years, drawing on government archival records and housing advocates’ publications.     

How Does The Charity Law Respond to Commercial Activities of Charity Organizations?

As commercial activities of charity organizations become increasingly popular, the behavior boundary of charities has changed, and accordingly a blank in supervision occurs. However, The Charity Law in China has not given any response to this phenomenon. In combination with the present situation of the domestic charities and experience of foreign legislation, this paper summarizes the different types of charity activities through typology analysis and proposes the key points to design the rules, then gives suggestions accordingly.