加强典型宣传 建设和谐社会

近年来，株洲市在精神文明建设中，注重培养、挖掘、树立身边具有时代特色的各类先进典型，用他们的事迹感染人、教育人、鼓舞人，并在实践中创新典型宣传模式，整合典型宣传资源，塑造典型宣传品牌，构建长效管理机制，增强了典型宣传的社会影响力，先后推出了省市及全国多个先进典型，在全省乃至全国都产生了较大的影响。     

公共服务:是"顾客主权"还是"公民主权"

本文探讨了西方新公共管理运动顾客服务理念的矛盾性。顾客服务在私营部门仅仅是赢得顾客的一种手段 ,而非真正为顾客服务。当它被借用到公共部门 ,就会遭遇到一系列操作性和政治性挑战 ,如公共部门的顾客界定、公共部门顾客界定、公共部门顾客服务的标准、政治公平、公民偏好、代理责任等问题。如果说私人服务是“顾客主权” ,那么 ,公共服务应该是“公民主权”。     

宣传先进典型需要把握"四个关系"

先进典型在优化社会风气、塑造公民人格以及完善社会道德评价等方面发挥着重要的作用。宣传先进典型要把握好先进典型的超越性和现实性的关系、共性和个性的关系、区域性与全国性的关系、典型宣传和其它因素的关系。     

把握四个维度 创新典型宣传——全国劳模田明等重大典型宣传的实践启示

正先进典型是时代精神的具体体现,及时发现、选树和宣传典型,是我们党政治工作的优良传统、宣传工作的重要手段,也是新时代思想政治工作的"看家本领"。近年来,中国石化江苏油田广泛宣传了全国劳动模范、全国最美职工、全国岗位学雷锋标兵——田明这一重大典型,充分展示了新时代国有企业员工昂扬向上的精神风貌,在全系统乃至全国产生了广泛影响。对田明这一重大典型宣传的成功案例进行回顾和思考,对于在新媒体环境下进一     

马克思、恩格斯与列宁的宣传思想比较

为传播无产阶级意识形态和指导无产阶级革命运动,马克思主义经典作家就宣传作了大量的论述和深入的研究。因为所处的时代背景和社会环境不同,马克思、恩格斯与列宁的宣传思想在宣传的视域、宣传的体制、宣传的目的、宣传的典型、宣传与理论的关系、宣传的自由性等方面都有一定的差异。通过差异性比较来理解马克思、恩格斯与列宁的相关宣传思想,有助于指导我们党的宣传工作的开展和推进马克思主义宣传观中国化。     

管理者社会资本与创新绩效:制度环境的调节作用

基于制度环境的调节作用,对管理者社会资本与企业创新绩效的关系进行了研究。结果表明,管理者商业性社会资本比政治性社会资本更能提升企业的创新绩效水平;另外,制度环境的完善程度对管理者商业性社会资本于企业创新绩效的提升具有正向调节作用,而对管理者政治性社会资本于企业创新绩效的提升具有负向调节作用。所以,作为企业发展战略的引路人,管理者需因时因变主动整合政治性社会资本和商业性社会资本,并根据企业所处制度环境的差异,对社会关系构建做出合理研判与践行。     

新媒体环境下的典型人物宣传简

典型人物报道是典型的马克思主义主流价值观之有效载体，在推动马克思主义大众化传播过程中起到了重要作用。“真实地再现典型环境中的典型人物。”恩格斯的这一著名论断，在实现马克思主义大众化传播，     

宣传“036”先进群体的思考

典型宣传在新时期的宣传思想工作中,有着不可取代的特殊地位和作用。一个典型就是一面旗帜,一个典型就是一个标杆。宣传一个典型,就能够在广大干部职工中树起一个榜样,倡导一种精神。今年初,北京铁路局在中央和首都媒体集中宣传了北京分局“036”先进服务集体,在社会上引起强烈反响,取得了很好的宣传效果。通过宣传“036”群体,我们初步探索了一些开展典型宣传的做法,为以后进一步做好典型宣传工作打开了有益的思路,积累了一定的经验。     

论思想政治教育中的典型宣传

典型宣传是我党思想政治工作中的一种重要工作方法。数十年来,典型宣传作为我党思想政治工作中教育人民、鼓舞斗志的有力武器,起到了"拨亮一盏灯、照亮一大片"的作用。但近年来,典型宣传中存在一些问题,使其影响与作用减弱。因此,应从典型的发掘和典型宣传的宏观控制上改进典型宣传工作,充分发挥其在思想政治教育中的积极作用。     

肯定成绩 改进不足

注意紧跟形势阅读1997年第5期以后《党政论坛》，总的印象是内容紧跟形势，倾向性好，政治性强，作为党校的政治理论刊物，作出了良好的业绩，可喜可贺。具体的感觉是：一、在宣传“香港回归”这件大事方面是尽力的。据统计，第5、6期各有两篇文章，第7期有一篇文章，另在《广采博闻》栏有三篇短文，分别从“一国两制”的决策和香港问题历史的角度作了阐这，内容比较丰富，有吸引力、有可读性，其中杨小佛、王传一两篇文章更具价值。二、在宣传“党的十五大”这件大事方面是态度鲜明的。从第8期起，就注意宣传江泽民同志在中央党校的重要讲…     

Introduction: Ideology,Propaganda, and Political Discourse in the Xi Jinping Era

The ideology, propaganda, and political discourse of the Communist Party of China (CPC) have continued to function as key elements of the political system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the post-Maoist period since 1978. In the first term of the Xi Jinping leadership (2012–2017), the CPC, for instance, elaborated on its guiding ideological concepts, devised inventive ideational framings of phenomena usually perceived as tangible (such as the “New Normal”), engaged in complex intellectual debates on crucial topics (such as “eco-civilization”), intensified and diversified its argumentation patterns and discursive strategies, and consolidated ideational governance over some citizens’ individual values, beliefs, and loyalties. Furthermore, it is often no longer possible to differentiate between the CPC’s internal and external propaganda, as seemingly exclusively domestic ideational and discursive issues increasingly correlate with international phenomena. However, the trends in the Xi era do not present paradigmatic shifts, but rather an overall reassertion-cum-innovation of previous Maoist and post-Maoist uses of ideology, propaganda, and political discourse, primarily aiming at strengthening one-party rule.     

Party Propaganda in Motion: Finland 1954–1991

This study addresses itself to the election campaigns of political parties in Finland and the changes which have taken place over time. Political parties are no longer strictly defined by ideology-rigid class structures have disappeared; and the primary hypothesis is that the parties have grown increasingly similar with respect to propaganda techniques and voter orientation. The empirical data in this study are based on the election platforms and campaign posters of the four largest parties in preparation for the parliamentary elections of 1954, 1966, 1975, 1987 and 1991. In order to elucidate the election propaganda of the political parties even further, a partial examination has been made of election campaign advertising by individual parties and candidates in four political affiliated newspapers as well as in an independent daily newspaper.
The primary hypothesis is clearly supported by this research: political parties have structured their rhetoric to appeal to all voters as opposed to having earlier directed their message to a traditional voter class/category, such as farmers, manual workers and white collar workers. The Communist party platform of 1975, which displayed a high degree of class/category specific orientation, constitutes an exception from this rule. The use of offensive propaganda has decreased, but there are exceptions from this rule as well. This article serves as a summary of the main findings of my licentiate thesis in political science at the Abo Academy University.     

Social Structure and Campaign Style: Finland 1954–1987

This study addresses the hypothesis concerning the ideological convergence of political parties in light of election campaigns in Finland. The basic expectation is that the parties have become more alike in terms of their orientation vis-à-vis the electorate and in their use of propaganda techniques. The empirical data consists of editorials in the leading newspapers of the four largest Finnish parties in connection with the parliamentary election campaigns of 1954, 1966, 1975 and 1987. The main hypothesis is clearly corroborated, as traditional elements such as class orientation have been replaced by references to the nation at large and to the political elite. A re-ideologization could be noted in connection with the 1975 campaign, followed by a strong de-ideologization in 1987. Despite the virtual disappearance of offensive propaganda techniques, recent campaigns were not found to be decisively less 'propagandists' than the earlier ones.     

If Seals Were Ugly,Nobody Would Give a Damn: Propaganda,Nationalism, and Political Marketing in the Canadian Seal Hunt

The provocative debate over the Canadian seal hunt features emotional imagery, selective use of facts, a media relations battle, and political lobbying. This paper explores different forms of propaganda employed in the sealing controversy by animal rights groups and by the governments of Canada and of Newfoundland. It argues that Newfoundland nationalism is a central variable. This perspective can help gauge the effects of propaganda and explain the government's defense of a controversial policy. It concludes that propaganda, nationalism, and political marketing are independent categories that bear strong similarities.     

西方传播政治经济学批判实践的新进展及启示

西方传播政治经济学承继马克思主义政治经济学的研究方法，对西方媒体与资本、权力关系的剖析和批判鞭辟入里，其批判的逻辑中蕴含着对我国媒体改革的启示。我国媒体改革可以考虑适当运用市场化的手段追求公益性目的，以“看不见的手”实现“看不见的宣传”，从传统的政治宣传走向现代的政治传播，在全面深化改革中助力社会主义新闻事业的发展。     

‘How good are we?’ culture and the Cold War

This analysis addresses the question of how different levels of culture were used in the Cold War by political and civil institutions to influence public opinion in Western Europe, and, more specifically, in Germany. It illuminates how what are commonly defined as ‘cultural exports’ or ‘cultural propaganda’ refer to a highly heterogeneous and complex group of governmental and non-governmental agents, actions and motivations. While governmental exports focused increasingly on highbrow products such as book and art exhibits, manifestations of popular culture were only admitted if they revealed a specific educational purpose. It can be argued that high culture provided the basis for much Cold War propaganda as much as the Cold War manipulated representations of high culture. Competing against communist claims that America had no high culture, US Cold War programs invoked previous instances of high cultural exchange, particularly with Germany. In doing so, they sealed and politicized a cultural partnership that had been in existence for almost 100 years.     

For Whose Benefit? Fear and Loathing in the Welfare State

This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between marketing and propaganda through an analysis of social marketing as a mode of governing in permanent campaigning. The working hypothesis is that social marketing operations are agitational rather than propagandistic. The conceptual approach stems from a comparison of propaganda and marketing with Fordist and post-Fordist modes of production and governance. The research into the role of agitation involves an empirical study of the UK government campaign against benefit fraud, the most expensive of its kind. Using a combination of methodologies, the political context is framed through a discourse analysis that charts the historical emergence of the problem of benefit fraud and the material effects of this discourse on welfare spending allocation, content analysis is used to identify correspondences between different newspapers’ rhetoric and policy under different governments, and semiotic analysis helps to decode the message of the campaign against benefit fraud, as it relates to the overall government's strategy on this issue. The study offers insights into the political strategy of the government of New Labour between 1997 and 2010 and its resort to agitational techniques, exposing the limitations of government marketing and public relations in the context of an overall crisis of its political legitimacy, in both economic and political terms.     

以科学发展观为引领在构建和谐校园中创新大学生思想政治教育

大学生思想政治教育具有宣传、激励、调节、育人、导向功能,在构建和谐校园中起着关键性作用。在新时期新形势下,构建和谐高校校园,要求大学生思想政治教育工作要以科学发展观为引领,坚持以人为本,在观念、机制、内容、形式、方法、队伍等方面积极创新,才能不断适应新情况、解决新问题,推动构建和谐高校校园目标的实现。     

New Challenges in the Study of Right-Wing Propaganda: Priming the Populist Backlash to “Hope and Change”

Before the rise of the Tea Party, propaganda primed the backlash to Obama's election by controlling the media frame and much of the narrative about social forces capable of blunting the Right's resurgence in the 2010 midterm election. This article analyzes the right-wing propaganda campaign to advance paranoid stories about the political enemies of America. Specifically, the article discusses three propaganda stories and shows how they are tied to the Republican Party's electoral strategy: (1) the construction of a voter fraud myth as a foundation for attacking the voting rights of minorities and the poor; (2) the take down of the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN); and (3) the launch of a Red scare and witch hunt by the pseudo-discovery of what the Right calls the “Cloward-Piven Strategy,” an alleged left-wing blueprint for destroying capitalism and collapsing the government. The application of new media techniques to electoral politics calls for a revival of the historical-critical tradition in propaganda analysis.     

Political Marketing and Propaganda: Uses,Abuses, Misuses

Although previous issues of well-respected marketing journals (e.g., Revue Française du Marketing, Psychology & Marketing, Journal of Marketing Management, European Journal of Marketing) have focused on political marketing, and although there are now journals which regularly publish papers on political marketing including, of course, this one and the Journal of Public Affairs, none has focused exclusively on how the techniques developed for use in electoral and governmental campaigning, in lobbying and party fundraising campaigns, are now being used more generally in the military, in public diplomacy programs, and by companies, not-for-profit organizations, and even terrorist groups, with a focus on “winning hearts and minds.” The aim of this special issue is to seek to fill in this gap in our knowledge and encourage further research into the political marketing/propaganda interface. In this special issue, we seek to elucidate the meaning of propaganda and political marketing by exploring their parameters, both contemporary and traditional.