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1.
马来西亚华人有着积极的政治参与的传统,近些年来更是利用各种途径来最大限度地表达与维护其利益.2001年来持续四年的白小保校运动主要通过政治选举、政治结社、政治表达、政治接触等方式来维护子女接受母语教育、文化传承的权利.这一典型事例体现了马来西亚华人政治参与的基本模式.  相似文献   

2.
James Chin 《圆桌》2013,102(6):533-540
Abstract

This article examines the strategies employed by the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (or National Front), and the opposition alliance, Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance), in the 13th general election held in Malaysia in May 2013. It argues that while the opposition used the right strategy for the 2013 campaign, it lost because it could not overcome the three biggest hurdles for opposition politics in Malaysia: East Malaysia, the rural Malay votes and a biased electoral system.  相似文献   

3.
华人社团向政府提交国家文化备忘录,发表文化方面的宣言等,积极谋求华人文化发展的有利政治空间。为更好地保护和发扬华人文化,华人成立各种文化社团组织,并举办华人文化节等活动。华人社团的活动和举措具有主导性甚至领导性,它们对于独立后马来西亚华人文化的保护、传承和发扬发挥了举足轻重的作用。  相似文献   

4.
从侨批看跨国华人的教育与社会传承(1911—1949)   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文通过一个潮州家族的侨批,探讨教育对于跨国华人认同和社会传承的作用。在本文的个案中,陈遗恩父子很重视后代的教育,支持女子教育。他们的教育理念与实践主要来自跨国家庭的生活需要以及其在南洋谋生的经验教训。孩童时代在侨乡的生活经验与文化教育很大程度上塑造了华人的家乡认同,而南洋的生活经验与文化教育则奠定了他们以后的生活道路。双重的教育、双重的认同和不断转换的角色,构成了跨国华人的本质特征,而教育则成为跨国华人社会承传中重要的文化机制。  相似文献   

5.
This study assesses the argument that common ethnic identity has facilitated the creation of transnational business networks leading to the rise of a new economically powerful “global tribe” comprising ethnic Chinese from East and Southeast Asia. The primary contention in this article is that a network with the economic clout of a “global tribe” would entail interlocking stock-ownership ties, a sharing of resources and cooperation to the point of merger. Through an in-depth analysis of investments in China by ethnic Chinese from Malaysia, this article proves that even major Chinese-owned companies have little or no interlocking stock ownership and directorate links, either domestically or across borders, with other Chinese-owned companies. The growing inflow of investments into China by ethnic Chinese from Southeast Asia is primarily due to endeavours by government leaders in the region and China to encourage businesses to invest in the Mainland.  相似文献   

6.
文化产品和文化服务已经成为现代国际文化交流的主要表现形式。东南亚地区曾受到中国文化的深刻影响,形成了中国文化消费的传统和群体。本文以2000年至今中国文化产品和文化服务输入东南亚的情况为基础,分析利用文化消费的形式扩大中国文化影响的可能性。笔者认为,中国文化产品在强调传统文化特点的同时,应该充分考虑东南亚民众文化消费的取向,兼顾文化宣传和娱乐受众的目的,从而达到扩大中国文化影响力的目标。  相似文献   

7.
本文运用文化学、社会学的理论和方法,坚持从印尼华人的实际出发,通过实地考察、访谈调查和资料重释的途径,具体剖析了雅加达华人中生代这一印尼华人重要的次群体,展示了印尼华人在印尼独立后的自我调适情况,分析了印尼华人今后的发展趋势及其在印尼社会重构和印尼民族重组中的地位和作用.  相似文献   

8.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(1):56-73
ABSTRACT

Malaysia’s 14th General Election in 2018 toppled the Barisan Nasional government after six decades in power. Barisan Nasional’s longevity was due to its performance legitimacy and a capacity to manipulate electoral mechanisms. However, it was the use of money in eliciting consent that led to a political change. This article traces how sustaining the dominance of the Barisan Nasional under Najib Razak used a strategy which we term the monetisation of consent. However, when monetising consent loses its efficacy, political dominance is challenged. We discuss why and how manufacturing consent through the use of money has its limits when regime legitimacy is challenged. Intense political competition on the electoral terrain from 2008 and the multiplication of Malay-Muslim political parties induced Najib’s greater personal grip on state funds to gain political support. This resulted in the Najib regime’s kleptocratic turn. Beyond the disbursement of largesse to political power brokers and business elites, his government monetised consent as a populist strategy. The reduced efficacy of electoral manipulation made the monetisation of consent imperative for regime survival but the use of money and unpopular fiscal policies, which deprived citizens of disposable income, led to a legitimacy crisis and the Barisan Nasional’s defeat.  相似文献   

9.
曼德勒为缅甸第二大城市,它既是缅甸地理意义上的中心,也是缅北地区政治、经济与文化的中心。近年来,随着曼德勒华人的日益增多,华人与当地主体族群———缅人的关系成为曼德勒最重要的族群关系之一,而这种关系并非总是处于友好和谐的状态,甚至时而可以体会到这座城市中的反华情绪。笔者通过田野调查发现,曼德勒华人在都市的法理空间中,践行熟人社会的社会交往方式是导致出现这种紧张族群关系的重要原因之一。综合曼德勒华人与缅人两个群体的表述,揭示日常生活中曼德勒华人的熟人社会的社会交往方式,将会为理解曼德勒华人的境遇及缅华关系提供一种新的视角。  相似文献   

10.
汉语汉字在越南的传播既是中国封建统治者出于统治和开发边境民族文化的需要,更是越南封建王朝加强自身统治的需要。汉语汉字通过多种途径在越南进行传播,对越南社会政治文化以及语言文字的社会功能产生了广泛而深远的影响,它所包容的文化意义也就因此呈现出多方面性和多层次性。  相似文献   

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