马克思主义执政党思想理论建设的基本经验

周耀宏的"马克思主义执政党思想理论建设的基本经验"一文指出,在长期执政、改革开放和发展社会主义市场经济条件下,建设一个什么样的党、怎样建设党,是始终摆在我们党面前的一个重大课题。在长期实践探索中,我们党不断深化和运用对共产党执政规律和马克思主义执政党建设规律的认识,积累了宝贵经验,为中国特色社会主义事业发展提供了重要政治保障。改革开放以来,我们党在深刻总结治国理政正反两方面实践经验、汲取其他国家执政党思想理论建设经验教训而取得规律性认识的基础上,对马克思主义执政党思想理论建设的认识不断深化,认真总结这些基本经验具有重要的现实意义。     

马克思主义执政党思想理论建设的基本经验

在长期执政、改革开放和发展社会主义市场经济条件下，建设一个什么样的党、怎样建设党，是始终摆在我们党面前的一个重大课题。在长期实践探索中，我们党不断深化和运用对共产党执政规律和马克思主义执政党建没规律的认识，积累了宝贵经验，为中国特色社会主义事业发展提供了重要政治保障。改革开放以来，我们党在深刻总结治国理政正反两方面实践经验、汲取其他国家执政党思想理论建设经验教洲而取得规律性认谀的基础上，对马克思主义执政党思想理论建设的认识不断深化，认真总结这些基本经验具有重要的现实意义。     

赋予法治建设在中国特色社会主义建设格局中更为突出的地位

正党的十八届四中全会是中国法治建设进程中一个新的伟大工程。全面推进依法治国,是国家治理现代化的重要篇章,是完善中国特色社会主义制度的重要举措,是中国共产党对法治国家理论和执政兴国理论的重大贡献,同时也表明了执政党对治国理政规律认识的深化。在这样的背景下,应当赋予法治建设在中国特色社会主义建设格局中更为突出的地位。     

学习型服务型创新型执政党建设的理论基础与内在逻辑

学习型服务型创新型执政党建设思想的提出是批判吸收古代治国理政中的"修身、"民本"、"变法"的思想,在继承和发展马克思主义经典作家关于执政党建设目标的论述上,借鉴国外学习型组织和政党变革的相关理论提出来的,是对马克思主义执政党建设理论的新贡献。     

论依法以德治国和国家安全发展

道德和法治同属于文化范畴,都是国家治理的重要方式和手段。中国共产党是中国马克思主义执政党,是世界上最大的政党,领导和治理十四亿人的社会主义大国,发展是党执政兴国的第一要务。要不断加强党的执政能力建设,提高党治国理政的能力和领导水平,治国理政要在安全稳定的环境下进行,国家安全是中国发展的重要保证。要统筹国家安全和发展,坚持依法治国与以德治国相结合,加强社会主义意识形态建设,积极践行社会主义核心价值观,建设社会主义法治国家,加强国家安全能力建设,推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业持续健康发展。     

政治学“补课”有方 全过程民主发展有根——“庆祝中国政治学会成立40周年暨全过程民主理论研讨会”会议综述

2020年是中国政治学会成立40周年。在"庆祝中国政治学会成立40周年暨全过程民主理论研讨会"上,专家学者围绕中国政治学40年发展历程与全过程民主进行了深入研讨。会议认为,政治学学科发展40年来,围绕国家职能、"一国两制"、民主与法制、政府职能转变、国家与社会、基层民主发展、执政党建设等问题进行了深入研究,为治国理政作出了应有的贡献。会议围绕全过程民主展开了多角度、宽领域的研讨,形成了不少独到的观点,大家一致认为,要在理论与实践结合上,为坚持中国特色社会主义政治发展道路、推动全过程民主更深入发展,进一步贡献理论智慧。     

邓小平治国理政的历史经验及其启示——基于社会主义意识形态建设的视角

在领导中国人民进行长期的治国理政的探索与实践中,邓小平对通过社会主义意识形态建设进行治国理政积累了丰富的历史经验:一是"社会主义现代化建设是我们当前最大的政治",强调经济建设对巩固和发展中国特色社会主义的重大意义;二是"我们要在中国实现四个现代化,必须在思想上坚持四项基本原则",认为坚持四项基本原则才能保证社会主义现代化建设的正确方向;三是"一手抓建设,一手抓法制",法制建设为社会主义现代化建设提供法律保障;四是"把思想政治工作放在非常重要的地位",做好群众意识形态工作以适应现代化建设的需要;五是"马克思主义者应该站出来讲话",掌握意识形态话语权才能有力排除社会主义现代化建设的思想障碍。邓小平治国理政的基本经验为当前治国理政提供了有益借鉴:坚持并发展邓小平的意识形态建设思想,以经济建设为中心,夯实治国理政的物质基础;坚持四项基本原则,保证治国理政的政治方向;完善法律体系建设,建设治国理政的法治体系;做好宣传工作,巩固治国理政的群众基础;整合多元社会思潮,优化治国理政的文化环境。     

优化治国理政的重大战略思想——以习近平为总书记的党中央如何推进中国特色社会主义新发展

党的十八大以来,以习近平为总书记的党中央推进中国特色社会主义新发展,突出体现在:把培育和践行社会主义核心价值观作为凝魂聚气、强基固本的基础工程,进一步建构中国特色社会主义新发展的价值坐标;把提升制度现代化水平、推进国家治理现代化作为全面深化改革的总目标,进一步强固中国特色社会主义新发展的制度支撑;把全面推进依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家作为治国理政的基本方式,进一步夯实中国特色社会主义新发展的法治基石;把凸显制度治党、优化政治生态作为全面从严治党、从严管理干部的关键环节,进一步强化中国特色社会主义新发展的政治保障。这四大战略,相互促进、整体实施、成效卓著,集中展示了以习近平为总书记的党中央治国理政的新理念、新方略。从这个意义上,我们可以将十八大以来习近平的理论贡献概括为优化治国理政重要思想。     

论统筹兼顾

统筹兼顾,是马克思主义思想方法、工作方法的集中体现,是社会主义国家执政党治国理政的基本方针,是贯彻落实科学发展观必须坚持的根本方法。     

法治视野下提高党的治国理政能力论略

法治作为人类政治文明进步的重要成果,是当今世界各国执政者治国理政的基本方式。建设社会主义法治国家,是中国共产党执政理念与时俱进的重大进步,也是国家治理领域一场广泛而深刻的革命。依法治国是中国共产党治国理政的必然选择,全面推进依法治国,必须坚持人民主体地位,保证社会公平正义,切实履行法定职责。建设法治政府、加强对权力的监督、正确认识和处理党的领导与依法治国的关系,是提高党的治国理政能力的基本途径。     

Mexican Economic and Fiscal Policies to Sustain Political Stability

During the 1980s, Mexico was in a state of crisis. Its economic prosperity collapsed in 1982, and its political system almost self-destructed in 1988. Yet by 1994, the economy was once again growing and the party that had ruled the country since 1929 appeared poised to win the national election of August 1994, despite the traumatic assassination of the ruling party candidate for president. How did the Mexican regime do it? This article examines the role of economic policies in restoring the fortunes of the Mexican regime.     

制度、政策与效能:国家治理探源——兼论中国制度优势及效能转化

中共十九届四中全会《决定》为中国政治学提出了新议题:如何理解制度优势、制度供给与治理效能的关系、如何把制度优势转化为治理效能。讨论上述议题,需要探究国家治理效能的来源。在当今国际体系中,国家作为一个共同体,其运行状况和竞争实力取决于两方面的表现:一是发展水平,二是治理能力。这也就是说,发展和治理是国家的双重任务和追求。无论谋发展,还是求治理,国家运转需要有制度支撑,也需要有政策支持,因此,制度供给和政策供给二者互动状况决定着国家治理的绩效。良好的制度要配套良好的政策才能产生良好的效能,中国发展绩效实则就是制度效应与政策效应相结合的结果。中国在实现发展中国家所追求的主要目标方面,尤其是在40多年改革开放政策推动下,显示了良好的绩效。主要资源国家所有和多种所有制下不同经济主体市场化竞争的经济制度、中国共产党全面领导的制度体系、单一制中央集权的行政体制,这三项制度的综合效应支持了中国高效快速的发展,也为中国治理优势的展现提供了保障。今后,中国共产党应继续凭借集中性、协调性、持续性、高效性的制度优势,通过改革创新,集中力量解决人民关切的问题,并通过对现实问题的逐一解决最终实现制度的成熟固化。     

深刻认识和谐文化在构建和谐社会实践中的基础地位

构建和谐社会需要一种高层次的文化理念来引领。作为执政党的中国共产党为什么要提出建设和谐文化,和谐文化的内涵如何,建设和谐文化的战略意义何在,怎样才能建设好和谐文化,建设和谐文化应当注意哪些问题,本文从以上方面对和谐文化建设问题进行论述。     

Can hybrid regimes foster constituencies? Ethnic minorities in Georgian elections, 1992–2012

Do ethnic minorities in postcommunist regimes vote in systematic ways? This paper examines ethnic minority voting in Georgian elections from 1992 to 2012, examining the causes for ethnic minorities' high electoral turnout and ruling party support. Although some argue that electoral fraud is the explanatory cause, other interests, such as experience of poverty and party electoral strategy, help explain minority electoral behaviour. This paper uses statistical methods to examine electoral fraud, as well as OLS regression to investigate the role of socio-economic factors such as urban density or poverty on ethnic minority voting behaviour. The paper also draws from in-country field research to investigate the party strategies and programs in ethnic minority areas during the 2008 parliamentary election.     

Déjà vu? Conservative Problems in Historical Perspective

Since 2001, the Conservative party has found itself in turbulent times. Yet the party has survived similarly difficult periods in the past, eventually recovering its strength and returning to power. Can it do so again? The problems for today's party exist along four key dimensions: leadership, policy, organisation and political circumstances. How grave are contemporary difficulties in each of these areas in comparison to past experience? To what extent is the party now in uncharted waters? Where are there valid historical parallels? The article offers a brief sketch of the lessons that the party needs to learn to recover its election winning formula ‐ an appetite for power and an impressive ability to adapt to changed circumstances. Today's problems are not insurmountable, but the party still has a huge mountain to climb if it is to return to government.     

The political geography of electoral autocracies: The influence of party strongholds on political beliefs in Africa

In electoral autocracies, why do some citizens view the state as autocratic, while others see it as democratic and legitimate? Traditionally, indicators such as income and education have been the most important factors to explaining how different types of citizens understand politics. This article argues that in electoral autocracies, we must also take into account the role of political geography. In these types of regimes, opposition parties are often one of the only actors that provide information about the authoritarian nature the government, but their message tends to get quarantined within their strongholds. I argue that regardless of income, education, ethnicity, access to government spending, or even partisanship, citizens living in opposition strongholds should be far more likely to view the state as autocratic and illegitimate than citizens living in ruling party strongholds. I find evidence for this theory using Afrobarometer survey data paired with constituency-level electoral returns from five electoral autocracies in sub-Saharan Africa.     

The Historical Roots of ‘Neo’-Conservativism

Analysis of recovery from internal conflict has neglected difficult, but evident, problems of regime resistance to refurbishment of state institutions. How widespread is such resistance, what are its causes and how might it be remedied? Frequently the problem is attributed to ‘lack of political will’ but that generality raises more questions than answers. This article investigates manifestations of regime resistance to institutional refurbishment, how they buttress the pursuit of private interest to the detriment of collective need, and the difficult challenges confronting reform processes whether driven by internal political demand or forms of external assistance. The thesis advanced is that institutional refurbishment within states recovering from internal conflict is critically dependent on intermediate relationships that evolve between ruling authorities and their publics. Here the organization and management of public grievances is critical.     

论执政风险的防范——以反腐败为视角

执政风险是与执政党相伴生的历史现象。中国共产党作为长期执政的党,必须高度重视长期执政环境下的执政风险问题。腐败是党执政的最大风险,因为腐败破坏党的性质和宗旨,危及政治稳定;腐败会危害经济的健康发展,动摇党执政的经济基础;腐败严重败坏了执政党党风,污染社会风气;腐败动摇马克思主义指导思想,削弱主流意识形态的价值认同。因此,党要抵御执政风险就需要自觉划清党同腐败的界线,严惩腐败行为;通过建立反腐倡廉制度体系,实现"源头治理";大力发展廉政文化,筑牢思想防线。     

"An Innate Sense of Fairness": State Responses to the U.S. Supreme Court's Sovereign Immunity Decisions

The U.S. Supreme Court's recent revival of state sovereign immunityis usually cited as a significant development in modern U.S.federalism. These decisions giving states a powerful defenseagainst lawsuits lead to the question: How will the states reactto the Court's rulings? How likely is it that states will consentto be sued? This article discusses the consequences of the Court'ssovereign immunity rulings specifically concerning state legislativedebates over immunity waiver bills. It explains why some stateshave been willing to waive immunity, despite the Court majority'sfears of a flood of lawsuits if states did not enjoy immunity.     

Governments,trade unions and the macroeconomy: An expository analysis of the political business cycle

We have briefly reviewed the state of the art of research on the political business cycle in the context of a simple textbook model of the macroeconomy. It has been demonstrated that the government-generated political business cycle vanishes as expectations turn rational. Even then, however, non-inflationary policies apparently are time inconsistent. Hence, democracies seem to be stuck with some sort of inflationary bias.Countries with fairly centralized wage bargaining and strong labor unions have to deal with a second political source of instability in the macroeconomy: if the labor union's program contains political items such as equal educational opportunities for working class children, extended co-determination, a more equal distribution of wealth, and the like, they will prefer to see those parties in power who show the best prospects of implementing those items. So the trade union's wage bargaining strategies take into account how bargaining results influence the state of the economy and, hence, the reelection prospects of the ruling government — and they will do so in different ways, depending on whether the union prefers the government to the opposition party or vice versa.