走向竞争性与协商性兼容的党内民主之路——当代西方政党发展党内民主的路径与启示

一些西方政党在现代民主政治进程中,为了生存和发展的需要,对党内民主建设方面作了积极的探索,尤其突出的是把公共政治生活中的竞争性民主和协商性民主引入到党内,进一步拓展了党内民主发展路径;一方面加强党内竞争性民主制度建设,另一方面注重党内协商性民主制度建设.以协商性民主弥补竞争性民主制度的某些缺失,坚持走竞争性与协商性兼容之路,延伸和更新党内民主的传统功能,以提高政党的竞争力、生存力和凝聚力.     

论李大钊政党观的演进

李大钊是20世纪初较早宣传西方政党政治思想的革命先驱,他对国外政党的观察和民国初期政党现象的思考所形成的早期政党观,反映了作为资产阶级知识分子的政治追求.随着革命形势变化,李大钊对于政党的认识也发生改变,十月革命后,他逐渐形成了马克思主义的政党观,并积极投入到新型政党的活动中.李大钊政党思想演进的轨迹体现了其政治观和革命观的转变,这一转变对于中国共产党的成立和发展以及中国革命产生了重大影响.     

论当代西方政党制度的特征与走势

本文分析了当代西方多元化政治格局中政党制度所出现的一些新的特征及发展态势：一是多党林立与各政党的联合趋向，二是两党竞争与政策趋同，三是民主社会主义政党纷纷上台执政，四是政党和政党制度的法律化、规范化。这些特征既是西方当代民主和政党政治发展的表现，也是西方国家政党制度走向成熟的重要标志，并对维持西方民主政治体系的正常运行发挥着至关重要的作用     

返本开新，以马克思主义民主观引领当代中国民主政治发展

基于马克思主义的基本原则和方法，我们可以初步得出如下认识：有怎样的民主观，就有怎样的民主政治发展，就有怎样的政党制度发展。当然，下面的这个反推结论也是成立的：任何民主政治的发展和政党制度的发展中，都内在地涵括了特定的民主观。那么，在相同社会存在的基础之上，现代、理性、科学的民主观应当是可以推进民主政治、政党制度良性发展或运作的关键变量。     

划清两种民主观的界限——谈民主的阶级性

西方敌对势力的和平演变战略中一个非常重要的内容,就是抽象地宣扬所谓的“民主”.即“自由”、“平等”、“人权”,“政治多元化”、“多党制”,等等.以此在社会主义国家,制造反对共产党的领导,反对无产阶级专政的舆论.这是资产阶级和平夺取政权的舆论武器.无产阶级政党必须吸取在对待民主问题的沉痛教训     

何谓政治参与——四种当代民主理论的政治参与观比较

政治参与概念取决于民主概念,不同的民主理论有不同的政治参与观.20世纪以来,在反思古典民主理想和现代民主现实差距的基础上,西方学术界先后形成了精英民主理论、多元民主理论、参与民主理论和协商民主理论等四种当代民主理论流派.由于各自的理论视角、价值取向和对公民特征认识的不同,这四种民主理论的政治参与观也存在明显差异,其所赞成和支持的公民政治参与行为分别是参与投票、影响决策、参与决策和政治讨论.四种政治参与观逐步转变的过程既是对西方社会20世纪以来所面临的不同现实问题的理论回应,也在某种程度上契合了公民政治参与的发展历程.     

认识中国共产党领导全过程人民民主发展的三重逻辑

政党在现代民主政治中经历了多重调适和变迁,不同类型的政党衍生出差异化的民主路径。在众多政党政治实践中,以欧美国家为代表的资产阶级政党往往以“选举(投票)民主”衡量和评判民主,导致政党功能异化,民主质量下降,促使西方学界重新呼吁“把政党带回协商”,但尚未成为西方政党转型的主流实践。中国共产党作为一个维护广大人民群众根本利益的马克思主义政党,始终注重“人民民主”的内涵延伸和主体实践,在百年发展历程中创设出“全过程人民民主”这一全新民主形态,并以党的本质属性、领导制度、领导方式来保障全过程人民民主的目标方向、有序发展和实践运作,由此探索出一条适合中国式现代化的民主新路,深刻影响了世界民主政治的未来趋势。     

西方政党党内民主发展趋势及其经验启示

西方政党党内民主建设的基本经验是中国共产党党内民主建设可资利用的有效资源。当前,为增强政治竞争力,西方政党党内民主建设出现了党内民主扩大化与组织专业化和权力集中化两种看似矛盾的辩证发展趋势。考察和分析西方政党党内民主的这种辩证发展趋势,并从中总结出中国共产党党内民主建设可资借鉴的经验启示,对于拓展党内民主建设的新空间、新境界无疑具有重要的现实意义。     

西方主要国家政治选举与政党制度关系分析

现代西方主要国家通过政治选举来表明对民主政治的承认和公民权利的尊重。政治选举是由政党推动的。西方各国因历史文化、政治制度、政党制度的差异,政治选举具体程序和机制设计不同,从而形成不同的选举制度。不过,西方国家对选举的价值意义和一般原则的认识是比较一致的。政党制度与选举制度互为影响,而且政治选举实施效果影响民主政治的品质。21世纪以来西方政党制度为政治选举的强力所扭曲,遇到许多深层次的结构性问题。     

多元现代性的出场路径及其理论意义

启蒙理性所预设的理论逻辑是:在全球化的扩张下,一切民族和国家的现代性发展都会趋同于西方现代性,形成一元现代性的图景。多元现代性的兴起和发展打破了西方一元现代性的话语霸权。"多元现代性"观念认为,现代性并不等于西方现代性,也不会趋同于西方现代性。"多元现代性"观念为人们反思现代性提供了新的研究视角,具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。第一,"多元现代性"观念打破了欧美国家对现代性的垄断话语,为非西方国家突破西方现代性奠定了理论基础;第二,"多元现代性"观念揭示了西方现代性的阴暗面,深化了人们对启蒙理性的认识;第三,"多元现代性"观念反对西方文化霸权,为现代性从多元文化中寻求精神资源提供了合法性论证。     

The limits of analogy: comparing Islamophobia and antisemitism

ABSTRACT

The predicament faced by Muslims today, either in the United Kingdom specifically or in the West more generally, is often compared with the predicament faced by Jews at some point in the past. Muslims, it is suggested, are the new Jews. Klug's article homes in on one element in this view, the claim that Islamophobia is the new antisemitism, and considers the analogy between them. An introductory section sketches the political context, after which Klug focuses on logical or conceptual issues. The two middle sections contain the core of the analysis: consideration of the two terms ‘antisemitism’ and ‘Islamophobia’ in relation to the concepts they denote, followed by an examination of the concepts as such. Certain conclusions are drawn about both their general logic and their specific logics. The final section returns to the political context and, via critique of a thesis put forward by Matti Bunzl, discusses the uses of the analogy. Klug argues that the question we need to ask is not ‘Are Islamophobia and antisemitism analogous?’ but ‘What is the analogy worth?’ The value of the analogy lies in the light it sheds on the social and political realities that confront us in the here and now. Does it illuminate more than it obscures? These things are a matter of judgement. Klug leans towards asserting an analogy between antisemitism in the past and Islamophobia in the present, within limits.     

新中国成立初腐败发生源的政治生态学分析

新中国成立后,腐败现象和行为并没有伴随新政权和新社会的建立而彻底消失,反而由于受到权力运行外环境社会变革中的某些不成熟和不完善的环节、部分,以及权力运行体系自身内环境中隐藏的风险的双重作用,一度相当"猖獗"。这些特殊化劣变生态因子的滋生,说明了新中国成立初反腐斗争的艰巨性、复杂性,以及反腐败所取得的成绩来之不易;同时也表明,政府反腐败政治体系的构建不是"一劳永逸"的,必须在科学分析和把握具体政治生态环境特征的基础上实行"与时俱进"。     

政治正义视角下的社会主义新农村建设

社会主义新农村建设作为我国现代化进程中的战略任务,是我国政府的一项重要使命。它的宗旨、任务和目标,都体现了政治正义的价值诉求。政治正义也对推进这一伟大事业提出了具体的实施要求,主要包括:加大公共财政支持"三农"的力度、重视涉及"三农"的制度改革与创新、维护和增进农民的合法权益。     

Towards the Vernacular,Away from Politics? Political History after the ‘New Political History’

This article considers how modern British political history has changed since the ‘new political history’ of the 1990s. It focusses on the ‘vernacular’ histories which have emerged in the last decade or so. The vernacular ‘turn’ is frequently framed by its proponents in opposition to the new political history, with its focus on the rhetoric of politicians and subsequent tendency to reproduce the perspectives of political elites. This article, however, identifies continuities between these approaches, noting their shared interest in advancing a more complex understanding of the relationship between politics and people in the past. It argues that the real challenge posed by the vernacular lies in the necessary reckoning with the ‘apartness’ of politics from the perspective of ordinary people. Yet here too, this piece suggests, the vernacular turn can be seen as the latest stage in a continual rethinking of the relationship between political, social and cultural history.     

Demonising ‘the other’: British Government complicity in the exploitation,social exclusion and vilification of new migrant workers

This article demonstrates the close and complex connection between the demonisation, exploitation and exclusion of new migrant workers. In so doing, it testifies to the blurred boundaries between the categories of severe labour exploitation, forced labour and slavery. This study highlights the absence of citizenship rights as crucial to understanding the vulnerability to demonisation, exploitation and exclusion that characterises the embodied experience of such workers. It also highlights the key role of citizenship as a means for such workers to make rights claims. In the UK, new migrant workers, particularly those arriving from Eastern Europe since 2004, have been increasingly designated by government and media as interlopers in a tight labour marketplace. Whilst their collective economic contribution is sometimes welcomed, they are regarded as ‘external’ to UK society and citizenship, a potential threat to indigenous values and culture, and in competition with British workers. Rarely are migrants afforded the space in public and private spheres to express their individual needs, wants, cares or perspectives. UK migrants have variously been portrayed by the tabloid media and irresponsible politicians as rapacious opportunists, as benefit scroungers, criminals and potential terrorists. The predominant discourse around new migrant workers in the UK is that they are not citizens, but temporary residents who are expected to work industriously and to remain otherwise unseen and unheard until they return to their country of origin. No further contribution to social and political life is required or expected. It is within such an unsupportive environment that new migrant workers in general, and undocumented migrants in particular, have become highly susceptible to employer and gangmaster abuse and exploitation.     

Facts,power and global evidence: a new empire of truth

Abstract

What are the epistemological and political contours of evidence today? This introduction to the special issue lays out key shifts in the contemporary politics of knowledge and describes the collective contribution of the six papers as an articulation of what we describe as a ‘new empiricism’, exploring how earlier historical appeals to evidence to defend political power and decision-making both chime with and differ from those of the contemporary era. We outline some emerging empirical frontiers in the study of instruments of calculation, from the evolution of the randomized controlled trial (RCT) to the growing importance of big data, and explore how these methodological transformations intersect with the alleged crisis of expertise in the ‘post-truth’ era. In so doing, we suggest that the ambiguity of evidence can be a powerful tool in itself, and we relate this ambiguity to the ideological commitment and moral fervour that is elicited through appeals to, and the performance of, evaluation.     

On the Creation and Formation of New Words

Part I IntroductionAmericanlinguist Mario Pei saidin his Englishin2061:AFore-cast:The factor that would truly make the Englishin2061differentfromEnglish of the present dayis newly created wordsinlarge scale.(Wang Rongpei,1998:334)So is the fact.English vo…     

Crisis of political parties and representative democracies: rethinking parties in associational,experimentalist governance

The contrast between the normative functions of political parties in representative democracies and their empirical working is stark and rapidly increasing. This article starts from a sober, realist account of the empirical state of affairs and from structural problems of democracy and participations – in terms of limits of time, information, qualification and relevant expertise – that have to be acknowledged by any realist–utopian proposal of alternatives beyond the exclusive alternative of ‘thin, realist democracy’ or emphatic ‘strong, participatory, direct, or mass democracy’. We can do better. My search for institutional alternatives looks not for the replacement of political parties but for their relief. Many, not all, of their normative tasks can be shared with other functional networks, associations and organizations. In exploring such a new division of political labour I draw on older debates and designs of associative democracy and on recent discussions to democratize expertise and to expertise democracy in order to address urgent societal problems of high-risk decisions under conditions of extreme complexity, contingency, unpredictability and uncertainty and deep contestedness of our knowledge, problems that turn out to be unmanagable by party politics and representative democracy.     

Malaysia's March 2008 general election: understanding the new media factor

Abstract

The Malaysian general elections held on 8 March 2008 proved to be a historic event. For the first time, the political opposition managed to deny the incumbent National Front coalition a two-thirds parliamentary majority. Attempts to explain the opposition coalition's 2008 success have identified new media as a critical factor that turned the tide in the opposition's favour. The purpose of this paper is to better understand the new media factor at the 2008 elections and its immediate aftermath by analysing its role, advantages proffered, and limitations in terms of advancing democratization and greater political openness in Malaysia.     

Sustainable citizenship for a technological world: negotiating deliberative dialectics

Incorporating the notion of sustainability is the biggest challenge for citizenship in a technological era. Existing conceptions of citizenship have not been able to grapple with compounded ecological, economic, cultural, and moral threats facing modern technology-infused societies. Nor has increased public participation, engagement, and dialogue resolved polarized positions on issues such as what constitutes quality of life or what is meant by the integrity of nature. This paper draws on the scholarship of both sustainability and citizenship to propose a framework of sustainable citizenship that seeks to emphasize shared values through a deliberated clash of ideas. Such a framework involves a negotiation of the dialectics of rights and responsibilities, state and non-state, public and private, human and non-human nature, universal and particular, and democracy and capitalism. The paper illustrates how sustainable citizenship can be applied to deal with contentious political and policy issues of new and emerging technologies.