契机与挑战:后农业税时代的农村政治发展

农业税制度对农村政治发展有着深刻的影响。后农业税的时代来临为农村的政治发展提供了契机,主要表现在,为村民自治的进一步发展拓展了空间,为乡镇政府职能与理念的转变提供了动力与契机。但这种契机是潜在的,更多是压力与方向性的选择,应对后农业税时代农村政治发展的挑战任重而道远。     

政治生态话语中的生态观迷失与回归

近年来的高压反腐和全面从严治党激发了中国"政治生态"的话语热潮,然而,当前的"政治生态"话语更多的是一种政治实践话语,而非学术话语。在国际学术界,政治与生态基于不同方式的结合而形成了生态政治学和政治生态学,生态政治学已发展成为包含不同理论流派和理论分支的成熟学术领域,而政治生态学则研究较少。中国现有的泛化的政治生态话语、文学化描述的政治生态话语、本末倒置的政治生态话语存在生态观的严重迷失。要走出生态观迷失的困境,建构政治生态学理论,需要在生态内涵上实现个体性评价向结构性和规则化观念的回归;在生态伦理上实现从道德整体主义与等级制向个体生命伦理与互利共生关系的回归;在生态运行方式上实现从一体化结构的单向控制向多元分化与制约平衡的回归。当然,生态学的政治价值是有限的,除了"自然正义"以外,我们还需要求助于"社会正义"作为现代政治转型的理论支撑。     

思想政治教育话语生产的空间逻辑论析

话语彰显思想政治教育力量。思想政治教育话语生产的空间性是以其空间面向为前提条件的,它标示了话语生产的实践范围,是思想政治教育空间的社会化象征、集约化的生产方式表现、思想政治教育话语破伪呈真的直接传达。空间呈现是对思想政治教育话语生产在功能阐释、理解框架和竞争产物三个方面的本质规定,具有深刻的理论内涵。空间转向是思想政治教育话语生产的结构转向,是基于关系重塑、场景革命、传播生态的三维展开。空间改造是对思想政治教育话语生产的全局性改造,是思想政治教育话语生产在知识、价值、制度空间的再生产与再融合。     

论高校思想政治理论课教学话语的三个转换

思想政治理论课教学是高校思想政治教育中的最重要一环,为了更好地、更有效地进行思想政治理论课教学,教师需要从三个转换着手提升自己的教学话语:第一,话语背景需要进行转换,话语背景主要是"全球化""地球村"的国际背景、"社会转型"的国内背景、"网络实时"的身边背景。第二,教学内容的话语转换。要把教学内容话语转换好,需要注意理论自身的逻辑性,同时还要注意理论自身的历史性,达到逻辑性与历史性的统一。第三,课堂语言的日常转换。主要体现为思想政治理论课教师能够运用理论解决新问题、能够熟悉网络语言、能够将教材语言转换为日常语言。总之,话语转换的依归就是更加有效地促进思想政治理论课教学。     

有关政治体制改革的几方面思考

随着经济体制改革的不断深化和经济社会的快速发展 ,我国的政治体制改革也在不断推进 ,并取得了明显成效 ,但一些深层次、前沿性课题依然存在。为此 ,应根据经济体制改革和经济社会发展新要求 ,掌握好契机 ,积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革 ;而当前及今后一个时期改革的新契机 ,就是加强党的执政能力建设。在加强党的执政能力建设中深化政治体制改革 ,解决有关深层次的矛盾和问题 ,相应地 ,改革本身的思路也应进一步提升。     

话语的诠释:意识形态对政治典型建构的操纵

政治典型是以话语系统为基础的意识形态存在,意识形态通过其话语霸权操纵政治典型的建构。在意识形态的话语霸权之下,政治典型的建构往往被归入模式化的理解轨道之中,导致了政治典型的单调乏味和意义超载。由于政治等级结构之下存在着意识形态话语权的等级结构,使得政治典型也存在着权威分等。人们通过对政治典型中话语的解读与评判,可以使政治典型的意识形态性自我展现。当主流意识形态话语建构的政治典型再也得不到一般社会的认可和合法地位时,也就意味着主流意识形态的崩溃。     

农村思想政治工作话语权实现之对策研究

话语是思想政治教育活动得以实现的基本途径。当前农村思想政治工作话语权呈现出社会政治性、乡土民俗性、官方权威性、人本情感性等色彩,面临"话语缺失"和"话语失效"的尴尬局面,而农村思想政治工作话语脱离实际、村级文化建设滞后、内容方法陈旧、话语环境复杂等因素制约了话语权的实现,需要推进农村思想政治工作话语创新、转换话语方式、丰富话语内容、提高话语实效,从而提高农村思想政治工作效果。     

西方民粹主义的话语政治及其面临的批判

建构"人民",定位"人民"的敌人,进而确立"人民"对"其他人"的二元世界观,这是西方民粹主义话语政治的内在逻辑。这种话语政治凸显一种反抗性特质,有其特定的社会性与政治性根源,前者指向各种经济与社会需求的不能满足,后者涉及政治生活的冲突本质。民粹主义政治的孕育发展依赖其标志性的话语动员策略,即诉诸否定性话语动员、简单化政治和激情政治等手段。面对民粹主义的挑战,欧美主流政治全面反击,为其贴上了极权主义、暴民政治和不事建设等标签,但是却对民粹主义的认识论价值缺乏足够理解,对造成民粹主义的制度根源缺乏足够反思。民粹主义的挑战与主流政治精英的围剿周而复始,正是西方政治深陷其中的真正困境。     

习近平青年思想政治教育话语的具象解读 ——以党的十八大以来习近平给青年群体的回信为考察文本

党的十八大以来习近平给青年群体的回信,是习近平青年思想政治教育话语的集中演绎,其涵摄丰厚的价值趣旨,具有深厚的思想意蕴。回信话语内蕴情理兼备的话语叙事、运力巧妙的话语修辞、言简意赅的话语呈现的鲜明风韵,成为新时代青年思想政治教育话语的典型范式。以习近平给青年群体回信的话语表达为"模板",不断探索践行其话语表达精髓的有效途径,对完善新时代青年思想政治教育话语具有重要的指导意义。     

论高校思政课话语的政治化与大众化的统一

高校思想政治理论课课堂教学的效果,与教师用以承载教学内容信息的话语质量和水平密不可分。过分强调思想政治理论课话语的政治化,或者过分强调思想政治理论课话语的"去政治化"都是片面的。只有坚持思想政治理论课话语的政治化与大众化的统一,才能增强课程吸引力,提升教学效果。     

Participatory effects of regional authority: decentralisation and political participation in comparative perspective

This article studies political participation in the context of decentralisation in Europe. Recent secession attempts demonstrate how the demand for decentralisation energises citizens. Yet the fact that decentralised institutions, initially, were endorsed to increase citizens’ participation is often neglected. In order to test this contention empirically, three theoretically informed arguments are developed, making use of the most recent data on regional authority for 282 regions in 20 European countries. Results of three-level hierarchical models lend support to the arguments. Regional self-rule increases probabilities to engage only in more demanding and less common forms of participation. It also acts as a political opportunity structure, moderating the influence of individual driving forces of participation. Participatory effects on protest activity, however, turn out to be endogenous, as the instrumental variable analysis indicates that decentralisation does not increase protest, but rather the reverse. These findings seem relevant to the current heated debates both on secession attempts and waning political involvement.     

社会信息化迅猛发展背景下的政治参与和沟通

社会信息化程度的迅猛发展成为我们这个时代最重要的特征之一。信息化程度的发展对于民主政治的推进既是挑战,也是机会和动力,其中影响最直接的就是政治参与和政治沟通。政治参与和政治沟通是民主政治发展的重要表现,政治参与和政治沟通又以信息化的发展为依托。信息交流方式的变革对于民主政治的发展产生了深刻影响,互联网的普及带来的"网络民主"成为政治参与的重要形式,通过新型媒介进行政治沟通是民主政治发展的新形式。     

Global equality of opportunity and self-determination in the context of immigration

David Miller’s political philosophy of immigration employs two complementary argumentative strategies to challenge open border theories. The first strategy is to defeat the principled case for open borders, such as the global equality of opportunity argument for more lax immigration control. The second strategy is to establish the democratic community’s prima facie right to determine the shape of its future, including membership and the right to exclude. First, I argue that Miller’s conception of global equality of opportunity is overly narrow and that his objections to the principle, to the metric and to what counts as feasible political action misfire against other, more plausible, accounts. Second, I argue that his democratic interpretation of collective self-determination does not solve the pressing question concerning the morally justified scope and content of self-determination and the moral limits of the right to exclude. I conclude by questioning Miller’s general strategy: whether theories of immigration should be engaged in an exercise of shifting the burden of proof between open and closed borders. By contrast, I argue that a more desirable task for the political philosophy of immigration is to find ways in which the joint requirement of global equality of opportunity and collective self-determination can be coherently upheld.     

全球化视野中高校思想政治教育的困境与对策

全球化对高校思想政治教育带来了机遇,也带来了诸多挑战。本文在全球化背景下,分析了全球化对当前思想政治教育在社会意识形态、思想政治教育方法等方面带来的严重影响,并提出了与全球化相适应的思想政治教育新思路。     

Commentary on Erik Amnå: Democracy and Civil Society

Abstract

This article seeks to provide insight into the formulation of non-governmental organization (NGO) and transnational advocacy network (TAN) campaign strategy. We argue that the history of previous campaigns comprises an important aspect of the political opportunity structure faced by NGOs and TANs. We also argue that when formulating campaign strategy, campaigners should not only consider the legacies of previous campaigns, but also how their current strategies could impact on political opportunity structure and thereby influence future campaigns. This article uses the case study of the movement against seal hunting in Atlantic and Northern Canada and considers the potential for collaboration between previous opponents on other environmental issues. We examine the history of the anti-sealing campaigns looking at the various actors involved, and the impact that these campaigns had on these actors and their current relations with one another. The case study demonstrates that the history of previous campaigns matters and that history is a vital component of political opportunity structure.     

论网络时代的高校思想政治教育工作

在阐述网络时代高校思想政治教育工作遇到的机遇和挑战的基础上,分析了高校开展思想政治教育工作的新对策,如建立网上思想政治教育阵地、提高高校思想政治教育工作队伍的综合素质、提高大学生网上道德意识、开展网上思想政治教育活动等,以达到充分利用互联网有效开展思想政治教育工作的目的。     

Networks and political engagement of migrant organisations in five European cities

This article investigates networks and political actions by migrant organisations in five European cities. It examines how political opportunity structures moderate the impact of organisational networks on organisations' political contacts and protests using data from organisational surveys undertaken between 2005 and 2008 in Budapest, Lyon, Madrid, Milan and Zurich. Results suggest that the political context moderates the role that different types of networks have on mobilisation. It is found that migrant organisational networks may be sources compensating for the lack of contextual opportunities, thus fostering the use of protest by migrant organisations. However, migrant organisational networks can also favour the creation of political subcultures, marginalised from mainstream politics. Finally, migrant networks are likely to foster migrant organisations' political integration in multicultural contexts through conventional as well as non‐conventional politics.     

Managing business political activities in the USA: bridging between theory and practice

The political arena in the USA is portrayed as a marketplace in which businesses and other groups compete to influence public policy decisions. Managers can view this political market as an opportunity to shape the rules of the game by which they operate but must realise that it is a very competitive arena. Drawing on concepts from business strategy advocacy activities like lobbying, making campaign contributions, and organising grassroots efforts are analysed in terms of opportunities for gaining competitive advantage. Results from case studies indicate that many businesses miss opportunities to build support among employees for political advocacy because few firms use bottom up approaches for political action committees or grass‐roots efforts. Suggestions for managers interested in improving the effectiveness of their business advocacy efforts are discussed. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications     

培养社会主义荣辱观 推进大学生思想政治教育

当今我国思想多元、多样、多变的新趋势下,大学生思想政治教育面临着新的机遇和挑战。社会主义荣辱观为大学生思想政治教育提供了新的契机和思想保障。践行好社会主义荣辱观,努力推进大学生思想政治教育是当前教育的重中之重。     

Post‐ministerial occupation in advanced industrial democracies: Ambition,individual resources and institutional opportunity structures

The post‐office occupation of former cabinet members remains basically unexplored in both single‐case and comparative studies. Is being a minister just a career tout court, or does serving in executive office facilitate movement to other positions? This article sheds new light on this question by advancing the theoretical development and empirical understanding of the various types of post‐ministerial occupation. The analysis takes into account ex‐ministers’ ambition, political capital resources and the institutional opportunity structures that might well affect both ambition and individual resources. Additionally, given that access to executive office is profoundly gendered, the article addresses the central question of whether post‐ministerial occupations similarly present differential patterns for women and men. The empirical results of a cross‐national comparison of 23 advanced industrial democracies show that, for most departing ministers, serving in executive office is indeed a stepping stone to other positions. Post‐office trajectories are not only shaped by ex‐ministers’ political capital resources such as seniority, party office, policy expertise and type of portfolio held while in cabinet, but also by different institutional factors that present country‐specific combinations. Specifically, systemic variables shape the relevance of political capital resources and affect how ambition is constructed and towards which goals. Strong gendered post‐office patterns are not found, although some intriguing gender differences are observed.