共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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文章从广东与泰国经贸关系的基础出发,重点分析粤泰经贸的现状和前景,并介绍了在泰国政治危机和全球金融危机双重条件下粤泰经贸关系进一步发展所面临的挑战. 相似文献
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Hisahiro Kanayama 《Asia-Pacific Review》1995,2(2):183-225
When IIPS Senior Research Fellow Hisahiro Kanayama embarked on this project, he found that information on Vietnam and Myanmar was often biased or insufficient. This article is based on a month‐long factfinding trip to Southeast Asia, where he interviewed analysts in government, international organizations, research institutes, and diplomatic circles. Kanayama notes that Vietnam and Myanmar may become—as part of an enlarged ASEAN—a force ranking fourth in regional political clout after the US, Japan and China. Neither excessive expectations nor indifference to neighbors is an appropriate response from Japan, he states. His research was conducted prior to Myanmar's release of Aung San Suu Kyi. The article has since been updated. 相似文献
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This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state. 相似文献
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广东“东盟战略”及其与新马的经贸合作 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
广东在中国与东盟的贸易中占有1/3左右的份额,而对这一领域的最新研究还较少,所以有必要从广东"东盟战略"的角度研究其与东盟的两大贸易合作伙伴新加坡和马来西亚的经贸合作.本文首先分析了近年广东与东盟的经贸关系,并在此基础上探讨了如何解读和践行广东的"东盟战略".接着重点分析了广东与新马经贸合作的表现与原因,探讨这种合作对广东与新马合作的意义.最后,在结论部分提出若干促进广东"东盟战略"和推进其与新马经贸合作的建议. 相似文献
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两岸经贸关系的发展与趋势 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
经过 2 0多年的发展 ,海峡两岸的经贸往来在各方面都取得了令人瞩目的成就 ,但由于台湾当局的限制 ,两岸经贸关系存在着明显的间接性、单向性和不平衡性。加入 WTO后 ,两岸在开放市场、减少限制上都做出了相应的努力 ,使两岸经贸关系呈现出范围扩大、程度加深和规模增加的趋势 ,同时也出现了诸如贸易争端浮现、人才争夺加剧等问题 ,并面临经济区域化加速的挑战。为了趋利避害 ,促使两岸经贸健康持续地发展 ,两岸有必要建立经济合作机制 ,实现由“功能性合作”向“机制性合作”的转变。 相似文献
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Udaya R. Wagle 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(1):82-104
Micro-data from national surveys indicate that economic inequality remained high and relatively unchanged in Nepal during the middle 1990s and early 2000s. Using household income and wealth as indicators, this study finds that many of the demographic characteristics, such as age, caste, ethnicity and widowhood, determined mostly along traditional social hierarchies, play influential roles in determining inequality in much of Nepal. In urban areas and especially in Kathmandu, however, these factors have proved increasingly less influential, replacing them with such factors as migration, education and labour market participation. These changes highlight the mechanisms through which different social groups are experiencing inequality, with important implications for the much needed economic, social and political stability of the country. 相似文献
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自习近平成为中国领导人以来,在外交领域积极发挥关键性的领导作用,首脑外交已成为中国外交的最高形式。习近平外交思想强调党对外交工作的绝对领导,强调维护首脑对外交工作的核心领导。习近平主席对于中白合作的倡议得到卢卡申科总统的认同和支持,首脑外交已经成为中白“一带一路”合作快速发展的关键性因素。中白克服了空间距离远、产业合作条件不佳的困难,在白俄罗斯首都明斯克市郊建设中白工业园,并被纳入“一带一路”建设框架内,目前该项目的进展迅速。中国与白俄罗斯的“一带一路”合作是远高于一般意义上的经济合作,是一种基于政治互信的合作。从中白合作中我们得出一个结论:因势利导和差异性的合作形式是“一带一路”建设的新特点。“一带一路”绝不仅仅是一条交通物流走廊,更是一种全球经济合作的新模式,是中国参与经济全球化的一种制度创新。 相似文献
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James G. Samstad 《拉美政治与社会》2002,44(4):1-28
A long process of free-market reforms and gradual democratization seems to be dismantling Mexico's corporatist system of labor representation. A thorough analysis of the country's corporatist institutions yields theoretical reasons to believe that Mexico's practice of labor relations is indeed changing. An empirical examination of the nation's labor congress and ruling party during the two previous presidential administrations (1988–2000) demonstrates that corporatism is being transformed at a practical level, although the process of reform has been complex and uneven at best. The continuing strength of an officialist labor sector will complicate the task of establishing a new system of labor representation, a problem that may have important implications for future democratic consolidation. 相似文献
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Ben Kiernan 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):19-25
AbstractIn December 1978, the Far Eastern Economic Review discussed the prospects of the newly-fanned United Front for National Salvation (UFNS) in Kampuchea led by Heng Samrin. It quoted Western intelligence sources as saying that in villages where it was established, one of the first moves the UFNS made was to demolish the communal dining halls built by the Pol Pot forces. The sources commented: “surprisingly, the Front seems to be getting popular support.” 相似文献
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缅甸克伦族与缅族之间存在着碰撞与并存的关系,二者的根本分歧在于不同的民族-国家认同,克伦族分离主义运动是二者碰撞的突出体现,但克伦族又难以脱离缅甸这个由缅族主导的国家.本文从文化冲突与容忍的角度阐释了这种对立统一关系. 相似文献
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对越南而言,2009年是一个挑战与机遇并存的一年.挑战主要集中表现在经济与社会领域.由美国次贷危机所引发的世界范围的金融动荡,不仅影响着越南经济和社会的稳定与发展,也是对越南政府的执政能力的一次考验.值得庆贺的是,这一年来,越南党和政府克服了种种困难,在继续深化改革的同时,采取了适时灵活的宏观调控政策,遏制了经济衰退,实现了政治稳定.尽管还存在着一些问题,但所取得的成绩却是有目共睹的. 相似文献