构建现代环境治理体系中地方政府的创造性执行

坚持和完善生态文明制度体系,构建现代环境治理体系,需要地方政府的创造性执行,把生态文明的制度优势转化为生态环境保护和环境治理效能,切实改善环境质量,不断满足人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要,建设美丽中国。推动地方政府的创造性执行,要建立必要的制度保障,核心就是地方政府推动发展的强力激励与地方政府生态环境主导责任落实的制度能够相容,还需要构建合宜的运行机理,即执行要落地、规划要协同、执法要服务。     

Local democracy in Ukrainian cities: civic participation and responsiveness of local authorities

This article examines local democracy in Ukrainian cities from the perspective of the local population, with a focus on citizen participation and city authorities' responsiveness to the concerns of local inhabitants. It draws on a survey of 2000 urban residents in 20 Ukrainian cities with a diversity of population size, administrative status, and geographic location. Correspondence analysis is used to show how different groups of the population are distributed along the two dimensions of responsiveness of local authorities and citizen participation. A typology of four ideal-types of city residents is elaborated: “alienated,” “protesters,” “compliant,” and “interactive.” The data reveal remarkably large differences among cities: from four to six of the cities are associated with each of the four typology categories based on the clustering patterns along the two dimensions. The main policy implication of the study is that general measures for local government reform should be combined with targeted measures directed at the various types of challenges experienced in different Ukrainian cities.     

日本地方政府公民行政参与制度化建设的经验与启示——以日本神户市、名古屋市为例

城市的发展和建设,公共政策制定与实施,离不开城市居民的理性参与和支持。本文从思想观念、制度建设、操作手法、监督体制等方面对日本名古屋市和神户市政府推进公民参与城市建设的经验进行了分析。为实现城市更好更快发展,中国需要认真研究、借鉴发达国家经验,建构官民共治（协动）的治理结构,加强制度建设,完善监督体制。     

Marching for Progress: Rituals of Citizenship, State and Belonging in a High Andes District

This article explores processes of citizenship and state formation in the Central Peruvian Andes in the wake of the armed conflict through the lens of a public ritual, the celebration of a district anniversary. The celebration is a reservoir of practices from past forms of state formation and may be read as a claim for recognition as full‐blown members of the nation‐state. While practices of citizenship as rights are emerging, the celebration is permeated by the association between citizenship and civilization, with discipline playing a major role as an instrument of modernisation and progress.     

Chile's (Inter)National Identities: Framing the Relations with Bolivia and Peru

National identities play a significant role in Latin American international relations. They affect the ways in which policy‐makers view themselves and others, as well as influencing the ways in which their policies are ‘received’ abroad. In this way, identities create opportunities and constraints for foreign policy‐making, framing the relations between Latin American countries. The author argues that, since 1990, three main patterns of Chilean identity recently affected the country's relations with its northern neighbours Bolivia and Peru: a ‘neoliberal identity’, a ‘legalistic identity’ and a ‘progressive identity’. These three patterns of identity have created opportunities for cooperation as well as causes for conflict.     

Participatory constitution-making and why it matters: A review of the Egyptian experience

This article considers the making of Egypt's post-Mubarak constitution after considering the fact that participatory constitution-making is accepted as a democratic norm allowing citizens to be involved in the creation of their constitution and their future. The author argues that the process by which a constitution is made is crucial for the framing and legitimising of that constitution. Therefore, political elites and state institutions should not wholly control the process. The views of two schools of thought – idealism and realism – are considered. These views, together with the influence of the state and the concept of participation of the citizenry in the constitution-making process, are measured against international law requirements and further applied in a critical evaluation of Egypt's constitution-making process from 2011 to 2014.     

从组织行为模式看印尼大规模社交限制政策中的中央与地方关系

面对新冠肺炎疫情,印尼政府推出了大规模社交限制政策,其显著特点是中央和地方政府共同参与防疫.印尼地方政府在这项政策的出台与实施阶段扮演着怎样的角色?中央政府与地方政府间存在怎样的联动关系?这些都可以运用艾利森提出的政府决策组织行为模式进行分析.在大规模社交限制政策的出台与实施过程中,印尼中央政府各部门、中央政府与地方政府组织的行动均相互关联,各部门间存在显著的联动关系.这种联动关系的存在以及印尼的地方自治制度使地方政府可以通过变通执行、制定特殊政策、进行反馈等方式影响中央政府的政策内容及最终实施效果.随着地方自治制度下地方政府职能的加强,作为中央政府的基层组织,地方政府不再只是机械地执行中央政府政策的工具,而是所在地区社会服务的主要提供者.     

Institutional Openness and the Use of Referendums and Popular Initiatives: Evidence from Swiss Cantons

Despite the growing interest in direct democratic institutions—like referendums and popular initiatives—the empirical evidence on the relationship between institutional openness and use is still sparse. We use a novel data set on the institutional openness and test its link to actual voting behaviour for ballots in the Swiss cantons for the period 1970‐1996. We find no robust relationship between the number of cantonal ballots and openness, measured by the number of signatures necessary to force a ballot and the time limit within which they have to be gathered. We observe, however, that openness is negatively related with voter participation. Having to gather more signatures apparently increases the awareness in the population at large, creates more information about the issues at hand, and thus induces more voters to turn out.     

Paris (COP21) Agreement: Loss and damage,adaptation and climate finance issues

Climate policy documents are more interesting for what they leave out than what they contain. Using the COP21 negotiating texts, this article analyses the Paris Agreement to determine the good, the bad and the ugly of this ‘landmark’ document regarding loss and damage (L&D), adaptation and finance. The article establishes that among the good is that we have a universal deal in place that speaks to L&D and adaptation. the bad remains that developing and weaker nations are still vulnerable, in negotiations and to climate change. Among the ugly is the emerging unholy alliance between the referees (national governments) and key players (business and industry) that resulted in a quasi-legally binding deal. Furthermore, we continue to have endless financial promises. Since Gleneagles in 2005, when $50 billion in aid was promised by the G8, $100 billion per annum was promised from Copenhagen’s COP15 in 2009, to the scale-up promises of $100 billion annually from 2015 – developing countries are still waiting for these promises to be met. Drawing from Africa’s adaptation funding needs of $15 billion annually, as estimated by the United Nations environment Programme to 2020, and the $50+ billion annually thereafter to 2050, the article concludes that the global adaptation funding gap remains huge. We therefore recommend that domestic mobilisation of financial and other resources remain a viable option.     

The mimicry of the state as a state practice: the regulation of rickshaw licenses in Dhaka (Bangladesh)

Around half a million cycle rickshaws are currently active in Dhaka, Bangladesh. With only 86,000 official licenses available, different types of organizations supply licenses to most rickshaw drivers. These non-official licenses mimic the language of the state. This article argues that while these licenses appear as part of non-state, hybrid, or twilight institutions, they in fact constitute a state practice. Based on approximately 200 semi-structured interviews at six locations in Dhaka and offering a conceptualization of the Bangladesh state as a party-state, the article shows that the operation of non-official rickshaw licenses and the mimicry entailed is an inherent part of party-state governance, one which is not morally neutral. While most respondents saw the everyday benefits of non-official licenses in the absence of sufficient official ones, the latter remained the most prized and, if made available, respondents agreed that the former would become redundant.     

Governance and Regulation of the Peruvian University System: Overcoming Reform Resistance through Quality Assurance Policies

This article examines the new governance of the Peruvian university system, which evolved in response to market liberalisation and weak quality assurance mechanisms. New actors and commercial interests emerged, building their network of relationships within the political arena. With the passing of a new Universities Law in 2014, ambitious reforms were set in motion, designed to reverse the decline in the quality of higher education. This study examines these reforms, focusing on whether and how they are changing the governance and structure of the system. It also identifies some conceptual and design flaws, such as the weaknesses of the main steering body and the accreditation regime, as well as limitations on the independence of the regulatory agency.     

建构非对称竞争优势的尝试:俄罗斯人工智能治理体系的结构与逻辑解析

俄罗斯人工智能治理体系的外在形态是“一体两翼”式的政策网络,以《2030年前俄罗斯联邦国家人工智能发展战略》作为基本战略构想,以数字经济框架内的人工智能“路线图”和人工智能联邦项目建构发展议程,以《2024年前俄罗斯人工智能和机器人技术领域监管发展构想》为核心确立监管议程。而俄罗斯人工智能治理体系的实体结构则表现为在联邦政府统一领导下的二元平行系统运作模式,由国防部担任操盘手的军事人工智能板块已经建立了完整的闭环系统,而以俄罗斯联邦储蓄银行为主要操盘手的民用人工智能板块的运行机制仍有待进一步完善。特殊的治理体系源于俄罗斯人工智能战略的底层逻辑,是俄罗斯政府面对战略目标与现实困境巨大鸿沟所做出的现实抉择,这种剑走偏锋的设计虽然取得了部分短期成果,但并未实际解决制约俄罗斯人工智能发展的关键问题,能否走出一条人工智能发展的“俄罗斯道路”仍有待观察。     

Liberia's Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP): an impact review and analytical assessment of a donor policy intervention for democratic state-building in a post-conflict state

In recent years, a number of African countries have scaled up their efforts to improve their democratic development and governance environments. Liberia took up that challenge, in partnership with donor agencies. Between 2006 and 2009 the country's government implemented a Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP) to, among other things, control corruption, mitigate financial mismanagement, improve the capacity for better economic management, and elevate the performance of key institutions in a post-conflict environment for democratic and peaceful state-building. This article provides a review and analytical assessment of the GEMAP in the context of the donor policy intervention framework through which it was conceived and implemented. The evolution, nature, and impact of the program are documented and analysed, and areas where there could have been greater effectiveness are discussed.     

从白小保校运动看马来西亚华人的政治参与形态

马来西亚华人有着积极的政治参与的传统,近些年来更是利用各种途径来最大限度地表达与维护其利益.2001年来持续四年的白小保校运动主要通过政治选举、政治结社、政治表达、政治接触等方式来维护子女接受母语教育、文化传承的权利.这一典型事例体现了马来西亚华人政治参与的基本模式.     

美国的世界秩序观与东亚国际体系的演变(1900-1945)(Ⅰ)

本文从美国的国际秩序观入手,通过考察20世纪上半期东亚国际体系的演变,尝试为这一时期的东亚国际关系建立一个多国的、宏观的分析框架。作者认为:美国从世纪之交就开始谋求在东亚建立一个不同于欧洲权力政治的新的国际秩序,这是美国从建国之初就萌生的改造国际秩序思想的延续;20世纪上半期东亚国际关系的演变过程是美国不断推行和实施其国际秩序思想的过程,美国新的国际秩序思想集中体现在华盛顿体系的建立上;从30年代初直至二战结束,东亚国际关系的演变可以被视为美国捍卫、中国认同、日本挑战华盛顿体系的过程;战后初期美国试图建立的东亚国际秩序不过是华盛顿体系的修正版;华盛顿体系并非仅仅是帝国主义的工具,相反在很多方面有助于中国国家利益的维护。     

An institutional assessment of the public interest and accountability committee (PIAC) in Ghana’s oil and gas sector

ABSTRACT

Ghana’s Petroleum Revenue Management Act 815 (amended to Act 893 in 2015) established the Public Interest and Accountability Committee (PIAC) in 2011 with the mandate to ensure accountability and transparency in the management and usage of oil and gas revenue. This paper critically examines the activities and operations of the PIAC from 2011 vis-à-vis its legally reposed mandate. It points to severe deficit in accountability but improvements in transparency in the management of oil and gas revenues in spite of the existence and operations of the PIAC. After eight years of operation, the PIAC continues to suffer monumental challenges that undermine its effectiveness in serving as an accountability and transparency initiative in Ghana’s oil and gas sector. The paper makes some recommendation based on the empirical challenges of the PIAC identified to strengthen the PIAC to deliver effectively on its mandate.     

(Over)determining social disorder: Tajikistan and the economic collapse of perestroika

This article analyses the rise of social unrest in the Tajik SSR in 1990–1991 from the perspective of the republic’s place within the broader Soviet economy and the collapse of that economy over the course of perestroika (1985–1991). Countering standard narratives of glasnost, democratization and nationalism in Tajikistan, it demonstrates that a close reading of the historical record points to sharp economic downturn as the most plausible immediate cause of the social disorder that came to engulf the Tajik SSR in the final years of the USSR and led to the Tajik Civil War of the 1990s.     

Colonization with Chinese characteristics: politics of (in)security in Xinjiang and Tibet

ABSTRACT

China as a victim rather than a proponent of modern colonialism is an essential myth that animates Chinese nationalism. The Chinese statist project of occupying, minoritizing and securitizing different ethno-national peoples of Central Asia, such as Uyghurs and Tibetans, with their own claims to homelands, is a colonial project. Focusing on China’s securitized and militarized rule in Xinjiang and Tibet, the article will argue that the most appropriate lens through which this can be understood is neither nation-building nor internal colonialism but modern colonialism. It argues that the representation of Uyghurs and Tibetans as sources of insecurity not only legitimizes state violence as a securitizing practice but also serves contemporary Chinese colonial goals.