国外提高文化软实力的主要做法和经验

“软实力”这个概念由美国哈佛大学教授约瑟夫·奈于1990年首次提出。按照奈的界定,软实力是指通过吸引力而非强制手段,让他人做你想让他们做的事,是一种能够影响他人喜好的能力。奈还认为,文化、政治价值观及外交政策是衍生软实力的三大来源。软实力概念的提出,启示各国在当今世界激烈的综合国力竞争中,文化与经济、政治相互交融,地位和作用越来越突出。     

Organizing Civil Society in Russia and China: A Comparative Approach

Despite their authoritarian tendencies, the current regimes in Russia and China have both actively promoted stronger civil societies. This article explores this apparent paradox for insights both into the meaning of civil society and into the nature of governance in these two regimes. It argues that the social organizations that make up civil society both inhabit and construct a public sphere where individuals assist in their own governance. Recognizing that administered societies cannot compete in a globalizing economy, these regimes look to social organizations to perform functions previously left to the state, but at the same time use similar repertoires of regulation, revenue control, and repression to ensure such organizations do not transgress acceptable boundaries. Still, different notions of state–society relations in the two countries have led to different patterns of social organizations in the two countries. In Russia, a sharp distinction between state and society has contributed to a government strategy that seeks to dominate the public sphere leaving little room for autonomous civic action. In China, by contrast, deeply embedded institutionalized accounts see state and society as overlapping spheres of activity, creating pyramid-like structures encompassing both state-based and more autonomous organizations, and allowing more room for negotiation between the two.     

Examining Development of E-Government in Russia and China: A Comparative Approach

E-government has been an emerging trend in recent decades, inviting interest from policy makers, bureaucrats, citizens, and public administration researchers. The purpose of this article is to track and analyze inception and evolution of e-government systems in Russia and China. Authors utilized the UN e-government survey to compare various dimensions of e-government over eleven years. The findings indicate that although both countries achieved high levels of e-government development, marked by a high level of availability and integration of e-government services, both Russia and China came short of reaching e-democracy, the highest level of e-government, which inherently promotes e-participation.     

For A New Bipolarity: China and Russia vs. America

A great historical transition is underway from American‐led Globalization 1.0 to Globalization 2.0—the interdependence of plural identities where no one power or alliance of powers dominates. The G‐20 is floundering as the immediate global financial crisis has receded. The United Nations and the old Bretton Woods institutions—the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO—have lost their vigor and are struggling to adjust to the global powershift with the rise of the emerging economies. While Europe is paralyzed as the historic project of integration stalls, the world's two largest economies—the United States and China—are as yet unable to figure out how to share power. The danger now is that the geopolitical vacuum will invite assertions of national self‐interest that will unravel the rules‐based order that enabled stability and prosperity over recent decades. America's leading geopolitical strategist, China's most outspoken strategic thinker and one of Asia's leading global thinkers from Singapore offer their reflections on this state of affairs.     

The Rise and Fall of Ethnoterritorial Federalism: A Comparison of the Soviet Union (Russia), China,and India

The early Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and independent India inherited vast territories and multi-ethnic populations from the preceding empires. Their maintenance was a political and administrative challenge. The Soviet Union devised an archetype of ethnoterritorial federalism, in which nationality groups were granted their own administrative territories and subnational governments. The PRC and India imitated this system selectively, aware of its dangerous centrifugal tendency. The collapse of the Soviet Union discredited ethnoterritorial federalism, but none of the three countries has since devised a new system of multinational integration to replace it.     

中国软实力:瓶颈与增进之道

“天下之至柔,驰骋天下之至坚,无有入无间,吾是以知无为之有益”。老子一语道出了软实力的真谛。当今世界,国家实力不仅仅包括经济、军事、自然资源等物质方面的硬实力因素,更蕴含着政治、文化、价值、意识形态等精神方面的软实力因素,软实力日益成为21世纪世界权力竞争的焦点。     

提升中国国际话语权面临的问题及对策

语言作为文化的重要内容,不仅仅是表达思想和描述事实的工具,更重要的是建构社会事实,建构思想,甚至建构人的身份。由话语产生的权力是国家软实力的重要组成部分。拥有话语权,就能通过议题设置（设计）,占据舆论制高点,引导舆论,使之导向有利于己的方向,从而塑造良好的国家形象,在国际竞争中占据有利的地位。     

Maritime Strategies of Rising Powers: developments in China and Russia

Abstract

This paper seeks to uncover the drivers of maritime strategy formulation in Russia and China, two active players on the international stage that have often been identified as both rising and regional powers. The paper takes as its starting point the realist theory of state power and threat perception, which provide the means and motivation for states to accumulate material capabilities in an effort to safeguard their position in the international system. Given the increasing pressures of a changing security environment, China’s and Russia’s maritime strategies show a trend towards greater complexity and capability. The paper also addresses the impact of the revolution in military affairs ( rma ) and its subsequent manifestation as force transformation in Western states, especially the USA. Given that this new, qualitatively focused way of war has gained supremacy, at least where high-intensity inter-state war is concerned, the question remains of whether the Chinese and Russians will choose to emulate the leading powers in the system or, instead, will forge into the unknown and formulate an entirely different and innovative maritime strategy.     

中德职业教育之比较

中国和德国职业教育的发展历程 中国的职业教育经历了漫长的发展过程，学徒制是古代职业教育的遗产。明代中叶，资本主义萌芽在江南各地陆续出现，产生了实业教育。20世纪50年代，曾经有过“双元制”的影子，许多国有大中型企业都办有职业技术学校，     

Russia says no: Power,status, and emotions in foreign policy

Since 2003, Russian foreign behavior has become much more assertive and volatile toward the West, often rejecting U.S. diplomatic initiatives and overreacting to perceived slights. This essay explains Russia's new assertiveness using social psychological hypotheses on the relationship between power, status, and emotions. Denial of respect to a state is humiliating. When a state loses status, the emotions experienced depend on the perceived cause of this loss. When a state perceives that others are responsible for its loss, it shows anger. The belief that others have unjustly used their power to deny the state its appropriate position arouses vengefulness. If a state believes that its loss of status is due to its own failure to live up to expectations, the elites will express shame. Since the end of the Cold War, Russia has displayed anger at the U.S. unwillingness to grant it the status to which it believes it is entitled, especially during the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, and most recently Russia's takeover of Crimea and the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis. We can also see elements of vengefulness in Russia's reaction to recognition of Kosovo, U.S. missile defense plans, the Magnitsky act, and the Snowden affair.     

Protest Patterns in Provincial Russia: a Paired Comparison of Company Towns

Following the Soviet Union’s collapse, Russia implemented reforms aimed at transitioning to a market economy and devolving power to regional and municipal levels of government. Although it is well known that these reforms created significant uncertainty, economic crises, and protest, most existing studies do not explore the considerable variation in protest patterns across localities. This article asks why, despite similar pressures, some cities have experienced protests that are consistently larger and more intense than others. Focusing on the context of the many company towns that emerged during Soviet industrialization, I construct a paired comparison of two average-sized company towns using process tracing through interviews and archival documents. This article also employs an original protest database created through newspaper analysis that tracks not only the instances of protest but also protest size, demands, and targets. What emerges are two pathways that explain the divergent protest structures in the two company towns studied. In Cherepovets, a city that is less dependent on the central state, local elites pursued strategies of co-optation and suppression, limiting the opportunity structure for contentious politics to small-scale, local protests. In Komsomolsk-na-Amure, a city where the primary industry is in decline and dependent on support from the center, local elites converged with opposition groups to improve their bargaining position vis-à-vis the central government; this produced protests that were larger and more extreme and targeted the system as a whole.     

中、日、俄三国能源博弈:花落谁家

最近一段时期以来,由于日本的半路杀出,中国与俄罗斯能源合作项目中修建由俄安加尔斯克到中国大庆的石油管线波澜骤起,中、日、俄三国围绕俄远东能源进行着激烈的博弈,引起世界的广泛关注,并牵动着东北亚国家关系的走向。 中俄能源合作与日本的介入 中俄两国的能源合作最早起源于1994年,当年,俄向中国提出修建一条从西伯利亚到中国东北地区的输油管线。1996年4月,中俄两国政府签署了《中华人民共和国政府和俄罗斯联邦政府关于共同开展能源领域合作的协议》,该项目纳入两国关     

中俄关系中的美国因素

中俄战略协作伙伴关系的建立和发展除了中俄两国的内在需要外,美国的国际战略及其对俄、对华政策产生了巨大影响.美国因素对中俄关系的性质、范围、层次、作用和未来走向有着十分重要的作用.就以往来看,美国因素的影响主要表现在四个方面.目前,美国的对俄、对华政策再次面临调整,受其影响,中俄关系的未来走势有四种可能.