Transitional politics in Afghanistan and Iraq: inclusion,consultation, and public participation

This article explores three main themes in comparing the transitional processes in Afghanistan and Iraq: (i) the clarity of the transitional frameworks and the need to separate discussions on such frameworks from debates on new constitutional arrangements; (ii) the degree of representation in the transitional institutions and the availability of channels for political consultation in the transitional processes; and (iii) the participation of civil society and the public at large in the transition processes.     

EU FTA negotiations with India, ASEAN and Korea: the question of fair labour standards

The EU sets considerable store by the need for its Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) now under negotiation with Asian countries to contain a sustainable development chapter with clear references to respect for the core ILO labour standards. While they reject the sanctions-based approach demanded by the European trade unions, they accept that some real enforcement mechanisms will be needed. Among Asian countries, Korea is most likely to accept some form of a social clause, while India and certainly some ASEAN countries strongly oppose it. This article explores the prospects for mutual agreement on this thorny issue at the bilateral level which, to date, has failed at the multilateral level.

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Framing the matter differently: the political dynamics of European Union labour migration policymaking

Most of the scholarly literature on European Union immigration policymaking has emphasized the predominance of governmental actors. The major changes entailed in the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, however, imply a significant increase in supranationalism and necessitate rethinking earlier conclusions. Exploring the concomitant rise of policy entrepreneurship traits in the actions taken by the European Commission, this article emphasizes the role of discourse structuration in managing policymaking in a contested and controversial policy domain. The Commission is thus gaining more influence and importance, partially facilitated by institutional changes in the Lisbon Treaty, but mainly due to astute policy entrepreneurship in facilitating consensus. Framing problems in a fashion that maximizes potential agreement by member state governments facilitates political agreement regarding potentially divisive policy proposals. Discursive elements are created and circulated that are designed to appeal, render political implementation at the national level unproblematic and, in some cases, are deliberately bipartisan in nature. Thus, great rhetorical emphasis is placed on linking policy with competitiveness, economic growth and the Europe 2020 agenda to appeal to centre-right concerns, but in the case of temporary migration links are also constructed to centre-left issues, including enhancing migrant rights, avoiding exploitation and creating benefits for sending countries. Empirically, the article focuses on the politics surrounding the genesis of the directive on highly qualified migrant workers (the so-called Blue Card) and the migrant seasonal workers directive.     

Domestic politics,regional integration,and human rights: interactions among Myanmar,ASEAN, and EU

This paper tries to explain the evolving relations between the recent domestic political changes in Myanmar and the role of regional integration as they affect human rights in Myanmar. I posit that the two most important causes of the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar are the survival of the authoritarian regime and ethnic-religious conflicts. Those causes differ in nature and their political interactions with the ASEAN regional integration. This paper first examines the relationship between authoritarian regime survival and the humanitarian crisis/efforts during the 2008 natural disaster of cyclone Nargis and the resultant flooding. Second, I investigate the political dynamics of the human rights violations of ethnic and religious minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Rakhine State, during Myanmar’s recent democratic transition. This study approaches the aforementioned questions from both the EU and ASEAN perspectives and also deals with these two regional organizations’ interactions regarding Myanmar’s human rights.     

The gender dimension of migration in India: the politics of contemporary space in Orissa and Rajasthan

Much internal migration in India, including the states of Rajasthan and Orissa, is distress-led. Previously issues pertaining to gender were overlooked, because migration tended to be viewed as chiefly a male movement, with women either residual in the process, or dependent followers. Contemporary migration is taking place in a world marked by a deeper belief in the importance of equality of opportunity across socio-political divides. This article stresses the need to analyse migration through the differential experiences of women and of men in the context of a highly gendered world.     

欧盟:挫折与反思

近一年欧盟遭受连串挫折,宪法条约批准进程受阻,经济总体低迷,"法德轴心"作用下降,凝聚力减弱,成员国社会不稳定因素突显.欧盟一体化建设陷入低潮.但欧洲一体化进程已成历史潮流,也是欧洲前途所系.欧盟为防止本身一体化事业的后退和失败,正在进行反思与调整,以走出困境,重新走上健康发展的轨道.     

Dead on arrival: normative EU policy towards China

The European Union’s (EU) normative roles in global politics have in recent years been a hotly debated topic. The EU promotes its political values outside of the Union, especially with regard to prospective accession countries and small developing countries. However, a normative foreign policy approach encounters considerable challenges when confronted with major powers, such as China and Russia that do not share the political values promoted by the EU. Attempts at pursuing a normative policy towards these countries often come across as halfhearted. This article discusses EU normative policy towards China. It identifies loss of the moral high ground, conflicting positions of EU members and lack of leverage as the three main factors hampering it. It needs to be recognised that these problems are fundamental and stem from the very nature of the EU itself. The article argues that instead of a halfhearted offensive normative approach towards China or ubiquitous dialogues with partners, the EU may be better off with a more determined policy of defensive normativity. This would entail being more insistent in upholding European values within our own community rather than seeking to export them outside of the Union, and favouring demand-driven cooperation. The choice stands between altering the self-image of the EU to make it better correspond to reality, or making reality live up to the self-image.     

欧盟东扩对俄罗斯与欧盟经济关系的影响

苏联解体、东欧剧变以来,俄罗斯及中、东欧国家与欧盟的经济联系日益密切。2004年,欧盟东扩将绝大多数中、东欧国家纳入欧盟共同市场,这势必影响到俄罗斯与欧盟的经济关系。从近期来看,由于俄罗斯与欧盟及中、东欧国家之间的经济关系主要体现在能源合作方面,因此,东扩对俄罗斯与欧盟经济关系的影响不大。然而,从长期看,由于欧盟东扩使欧盟与中、东欧国家经济合作的进一步加强,以及欧盟作为一个区域经济集团不可避免的排他性,都可能对俄罗斯与欧盟的经济关系产生负面影响。     

欧盟政策实施问题初探——关于丹麦拖延实施欧盟指令2000/43的案例分析

由于成员国在落实欧盟政策的进度和程度上参差不齐,政策实施问题已越来越成为欧盟关注的焦点.由于种种原因,欧盟政策实施的不完美是一种常态.到底哪些因素决定了成员国在实施欧盟政策上的具体表现?本文通过丹麦拖延实施欧盟指令2000/43的案例分析,比较有关理论的解释力.理性选择制度主义的一种理论强调从特定政策出发进行微观分析,探讨国内行为者在实施欧盟政策过程中的互动情况.     

Constructing new environments versus attitude adjustment: contrasting the substance of democracy in UN and EU democracy promotion discourses

In contrasting UN with EU democracy promotion discourses, the article contributes to the debate on the substance of EU democracy promotion by approaching the question of ‘democratic substance’ from the vantage point of sovereignty. For its analytical framing, it draws on relevant aspects of Foucault's work on power. The article suggests that, due to their diverging obligations to sovereignty, the substance of democracy promotion in UN discourses revolves around an institutional-centric understanding, whereas in EU discourses we see a significant reconceptualization of democracy as a norms-based concept. The latter does not aim at the government of society but the ethical self-governance of socially embedded individuals. It is argued that, with the decreasing purchase of democracy as a universal political project and the growing concern with local contexts, the EU's norms-based conception emerges as better equipped to adapt to contemporary challenges of governing. The article concludes with raising some doubts about the democratic promise and potential of the democratic rationality underpinning EU discourses. Democracy, participation and political change are no longer conceived in terms of shaping and influencing public agenda but refer to socially shaping and influencing subjective perceptions and behaviours.     

Report on China's EU Policy

With the coming of the new century, the European Union (EU)arrives on the world scene with a complete new look. At the beginning of the year, the union signed the Nice Treaty in response to the needs of further integration and east-     

施罗德政府的欧盟政策

施罗德政府上台后,非常重视欧盟政策,在三年的实践中初步形成了自己的欧盟政策体系.这一体系主要表现在理论纲领和政策实践两大方面.施罗德政府的欧盟政策在其外交政策中占有优先的地位,核心是强化德国对欧盟的领导权.这一政策在维护德国国家利益和推进欧盟一体化方面取得了实质性进展.     

Defining child labour: a controversial debate

While it is internationally agreed that the worst forms of child labour should be eliminated in order to promote children's welfare, the consensus breaks down when trying to define what constitutes ‘light work’. This article seeks to show why it is difficult to get everyone to agree on this issue, focusing on the definition of child labour proposed by the International Labour Organization (ILO).     

EU public diplomacy in Asia: a case study of the EU Center in Taiwan

Since 2004, the EU has created 11 EU centers and two center-modeled programs in East Asia as an integral part of its public diplomacy in order to “promote the study, understanding, and support of the EU and its policies.” All of these centers were jointly established by the EU and local universities, and more than 50 % of their funding is offered by the EU institutions. Among these centers and programs, the EU Center in Taiwan (EUTW) distinguishes itself from the others in two ways. On one hand, similar to the EU Center in Singapore, it acts as a national center rather than a university center. On the other hand, it was jointly inaugurated by a consortium of seven universities rather than one or two universities across the island. Therefore, this paper aims to evaluate the EU public diplomacy in Asia with the help of soft power theory and an in-depth case study of the EUTW. I will firstly review the development of the EU Studies and EU-related communities in Taiwan before the EUTW was formally inaugurated in May 2009. In the second part, I will present an in-depth analysis of the structure and functioning of the EUTW in terms of EU public diplomacy on the island. In the third part, the work of EUTW in the promotion of study, understanding, and even support of the EU and its policies will be evaluated with help of an institutionalist framework. In the end, I will give a balance sheet of the EUTW in terms of EU public diplomacy before drawing into some conclusions.     

中国对欧盟政策研究报告

本报告是我们试图对欧盟近年来对华政策报告所作的一个回应.9月5日,朱镕基总理将出席在布鲁塞尔举行的第四届中欧领导人会晤,双方将就中欧关系以及共同关心的全球性问题进行密切磋商.这从一个角度反映出当前中欧关系发展的深度与广度.中国与欧盟都正处于巨大的变化过程中,双方未来加强合作的潜力很大.尽管由于最终目标的不明确导致欧盟一体化的深化和新一轮扩大仍面临重大挑战,但机遇也同样存在.欧盟现正凭借其独特的实力和优势,在世界经济和政治中发挥着日益重要的作用.中国对欧盟战略需充分反映出欧盟现有实力及其发展潜力.1995年欧盟在其通过的第一个对华政策文件--<中欧关系长期政策>中指出"欧洲需要一种注重行动的而不仅仅是宣言性的政策来加强欧中关系."中国现在需要的也正是这样一个对欧政策.     

欧盟国家安全的新隐忧——移民问题

世纪之交 ,移民、特别是非法移民问题已越来越成为欧盟国家最大的社会和政治问题之一 ,严重影响到欧盟国家的内外安全和一体化发展。本文采用欧盟有关移民问题的最新资料 ,对欧盟国家各类移民的现状、原因和影响 ,以及未来欧盟的移民政策做个较全面的介绍和分析。一、欧盟国家外国移民现状90年代中后期 ,欧盟 15国共有合法外国移民 180 0万 ,占其总人口的 4.8%。①欧盟国家外国移民的分布并不平均。从下表可见 ,德国接纳的外国移民几乎占了一半 ,是欧盟各国接纳外国移民最多的国家。卢森堡的外国移民占全国人口总数1/ 3以上 ,是外国人口占国…