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Anatole Boute 《欧亚研究》2013,65(6):1021-1054
Energy efficiency has long since been a pillar of the European internal energy policy. It now takes on increasing importance in European external energy relations. It is, for instance, key to the EU–Russian Energy Dialogue. I analyse how energy efficiency has been institutionalised in EU external energy relations, in particular towards Russia. I examine whether energy efficiency can be seen as a new paradigm for understanding external energy relations. Based on this conceptual delimitation, I describe and assess the regulatory mechanisms proposed by the EU to implement this approach in practice.  相似文献   

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La publication de récits de vie de marginaux par des chercheurs occidentaux offre un point d'entrée intéressant dans le discours sur l'Afrique. Cet article démontre que les deux récits de vie publiés par John Chernoff, Hustling is not Stealing et Exchange is not Robbery,mettant en scène une jeune prostituée du Burkina Faso et l'ouvrage d'Adama Dramé et Arlette Senn-Borloz, Jéliya: être griot et musicien aujourd'hui, autour de la vie marginale d'un griot, tout en ravivant la soif de connaissance occidentale sur l'Afrique, offrent un contraste frappant dans la présentation de leur projet d'écriture et dans la question du pacte auctorial. Je montre que la démarche de Dramé et Senn-Borloz présente en définitive un modèle réussi de ce que l'on a appelé "l'autobiographie en collaboration," à la suite de Philippe Lejeune.  相似文献   

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Rasmus Nilsson 《欧亚研究》2013,65(6):1154-1170
This article analyses Russian policy concerning the Black Sea Fleet and the question of its being based in Ukraine in the period between Dmitrii Medvedev's inauguration as Russian President in May 2008 and the Russo–Ukrainian agreement in April 2010 to prolong the base in Ukraine until 2042. The article explores three different interpretations of Russian policy which see the fleet in turn as a preserver of the peace, as a projector of Russian power and as protector of the Russian nation.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In 2010, Russian authorities presented a new draft law on education, which immediately became controversial. The essay examines whether user groups (parents) and low-ranking sector employees (teachers) were active in the movement critical of the reform, and how the state responded to the anti-reform movement. The movement consisted of several networks and organisations with no central node. It included teachers, parents and activists from both non-systemic groups and systemic opposition parties. Pressure from below by networks and organisations was combined with pressure from actors situated above in the political system, that is, in the Duma. Since the movement was welfare-oriented rather than fundamentally regime-critical, the Russian authorities tolerated open criticism both from civil society and inside the Duma. Some gains for teachers were won, but the movement’s proposed amendments and demands were generally rejected or only introduced in revised form.  相似文献   

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