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市民社会     
市民社会(也译作公民社会)是当代政治学和社会学研究中一个重要的比较性概念。它是与国家相对,并部分独立于国家的一种社会存在,包括那些不能与国家相混淆或者不能为国家所淹没的社会生活领域。市民社会具有以下几个特征:一是经济和权利多元;二是其基本单位是独立的个人;三是契约社会;四是高度自治。从社会学的角度讲,市民社会是国家或社会的基本单元(个人、家庭、企业、社团)之间组成的社会组织,这些基本单元具有一定程度的自治性,并且自愿捍卫自己的价值和利益;从政治学的角度讲,市民社会强调国家与社会之间建立在公民、公民权和法制等概…  相似文献   

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尽管后社会主义国家全盘照搬西方市场化民主和其所依托的"转型学"假设都备受批判,"转型"本身却已成为一个"神话般诗意的概念",并且依然是"一种近似正统的学说".  相似文献   

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中国开始了一系列有可能显著影响其政治发展的改革。其中 ,最引人注目的改革之一是社区的发展。作为社区前身的居民委员会是地方政府附属物 ,而不是代表其居民的组织。随着经济改革引发的国有企业重组和大量农民涌入城市 ,迫切需要建立新的组织来接管传统上由单位履行的社会福利功能。因此 ,经过挑选的全国实验社区在健康、教育和再就业服务方面被赋予了新的职责。社区建设还处于实验阶段 ,但是 ,如果这种结构在全国推广 ,将对中国的政治发展产生巨大影响。目前社区受到地方政府控制 ,但经济和社会的变化将有助于它与社区居民之间建立更加密切的联系。如果这种趋势持续发展下去 ,将会促进中国市民社会的发展  相似文献   

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Despite their authoritarian tendencies, the current regimes in Russia and China have both actively promoted stronger civil societies. This article explores this apparent paradox for insights both into the meaning of civil society and into the nature of governance in these two regimes. It argues that the social organizations that make up civil society both inhabit and construct a public sphere where individuals assist in their own governance. Recognizing that administered societies cannot compete in a globalizing economy, these regimes look to social organizations to perform functions previously left to the state, but at the same time use similar repertoires of regulation, revenue control, and repression to ensure such organizations do not transgress acceptable boundaries. Still, different notions of state–society relations in the two countries have led to different patterns of social organizations in the two countries. In Russia, a sharp distinction between state and society has contributed to a government strategy that seeks to dominate the public sphere leaving little room for autonomous civic action. In China, by contrast, deeply embedded institutionalized accounts see state and society as overlapping spheres of activity, creating pyramid-like structures encompassing both state-based and more autonomous organizations, and allowing more room for negotiation between the two.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the potential role of civic environmental NGOs in China's democratisation. Based on interviews with 31 NGO officials, the paper examines the origins, structures, and functions of civic environmental NGOs in China. It also examines how various political and resource constraints have shaped their development. While having made progress in organising educational campaigns and specific conservation projects, civic environmental NGOs have been less successful in influencing government decisions and official behaviours. Most recently, some NGOs have made limited progress on these fronts by maintaining a largely non-oppositional stance towards government and by utilising various formal and information channels for influencing government decisions. NGO leaders will have to negotiate with different party-state entities in defining their precise roles in the political process.  相似文献   

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转型时期中国经济中的市场关系和政治民主应在强有力政权的领导下稳步向前推进.在改革政策上,首先选择经济改革而不是政治改革作为执政党和政府努力的优先方向,具有特殊的社会文化意义.对于中国这样一个大国而言,地区之间的经济、社会与历史文化差别很大,因此妥善处理中央与地方的关系就成为国家民主化进程中不可回避的重要问题.中国完全有能力寻找一条既符合中国的文化历史传统和民族特性,同时又体现其内部极大差异性的政治社会民主化道路.  相似文献   

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Anders Uhlin 《欧亚研究》2010,62(5):829-852
This article provides an account of post-communist civil society in Latvia. Based on original survey data, the structure of civil society is analysed on both individual and organisational levels and cultural aspects are examined. The weakness of post-communist civil society found in much previous research is confirmed when measured on the individual level and in relation to some organisational aspects. The political culture of civil society in Latvia is relatively trusting, tolerant and pro-democratic, but elitist. The specific weaknesses of post-communist civil society can be attributed to the historical heritage of the communist regime as well as the context in which new foreign-funded civil society organisations emerged.  相似文献   

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If Armenian and Azerbaijani negotiators ever agree on the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, it will not necessarily resolve the long-running conflict, because any peace treaty would require the consent of the Karabakh Armenians, whose political representatives are currently excluded from peace negotiations. It is difficult to imagine the Karabakh Armenians consenting to such a treaty without a change in their perception of the Azerbaijanis. According to the theory of conflict transformation/peacebuilding, Nagorno-Karabakh’s civil society should be able to make a contribution to this change. Using the example of four Nagorno-Karabakh civil society organisations, this study shows how they positively or negatively influence conflict transformation.  相似文献   

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This paper considers the threats that various kinds of populism might be said to pose to the ideal of a civil society that mediates between ‘private’ and family life and the state. Although it is difficult to generalise about populisms, just about all—whether on left or right—share a hostility to ‘intermediate’ powers. Of course civil society is exactly what could be called a forum for intermediate powers. In contrast, populists often tend to emphasise a vision of immediate power in the sense of the possibility of the direct expression of the people’s will in political institutions. Populists, of whatever pitch, often tend to invoke a partisan state that will be on the side of the people (however defined) rather than a putatively neutral ‘liberal’ state that stands over and against civil society. These factors make most populisms more or less generically hostile to liberalism, understood not in ideological terms but more as a doctrine which emphasises the necessity of mediating power through institutions. Very often, populism is a threat to the idea of civil society understood as a concept integral to liberal political theory, as a means of balancing the state and its wider interlocutors. In this paper, various means, largely inspired by the writings of Tocqueville on the one hand and Paul Hirst on the other, are suggested for addressing aspects of this predicament.

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This article explores the way natural disasters provide an opportunity to address relations between civil society and the state as mutually empowering. Such opportunity can be reinforced when civil servants help to mobilize the interests of marginalized communities into disaster management and collaborate with active civil associations in seeking to reduce disaster vulnerabilities. This requires that public administration be able to respond to disaster in an effective and equitable way. Civil servants should be capable of being socially reliable by building and maintaining trust in relationships with communities and civil organizations. Using the Gulf Coast Hurricanes (United States) in 2005 and the Wenchuan Earthquake (China) in 2008 as case studies, this article comparatively addresses the significance of public administration's role in developing mutual empowerment in state and civil society relations in the face of adversity. Given the fact that civil service capacity becomes a crucial factor in determining state-civil society relations, it also has important implications for the potential of democratization in China.  相似文献   

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Irina Fedorenko 《欧亚研究》2019,71(8):1367-1389
Abstract

NGOs have been seen as an integral part of civil society and a necessary feature of democratic transition. It has been argued that depoliticised NGOs in China ‘embedded’ in existing political structures would eventually bring about democratic changes through incremental actions, as they did in post-Soviet Russia. Both countries, however, recently witnessed the shrinking of political and legal space for public participation, especially for foreign-funded civil society organisations. This article analyses the impact of the NGO laws on civil society in Russia and China to update the embedded activism hypothesis. It draws on empirical data to describe the strategies that the NGOs use to adapt and how the future of the sector is perceived by young people in both countries.  相似文献   

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International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society - The article challenges the theoretical “sectoral model” of civil society through a historical case study and offers an...  相似文献   

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Anwar Ibrahim is former deputy prime minister of Malaysia, now on trial for sedition and sodomy. This article appeared on Anwar's web site and in The Asian Wall Street Journal at the time of the APEC meeting in Kaula Lumpur in mid-November.  相似文献   

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Many of the recent ideas and concepts of ‘good governance’ and ‘civil society’ in Bangladesh have been generated by the international aid agencies and their ‘good governance’ policy agenda in the 1990s, but there are also local meanings to the terms derived from the independence struggle and the construction of a Bangladeshi state. This article aims to obtain a clearer analytical understanding of the processes and institutions of civil society in Bangladesh that can develop workable strategy to improve governance for helping the poor and moving beyond the patron–client relationships on which they have depended historically. It also focuses attention and debate on those aspects of civil society which can enhance the quality of governance and democracy by overcoming the western top-down approach; and can strengthen the role of civil society organisations to further enhance their impact on better governance for fair distribution of public goods and ensuring social justice for the poor.  相似文献   

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The China Model     
The return of the Middle Kingdom to the center stage of history is the most significant geo‐civilizaitonal development of the 21st Century. China's rise raises anew the great question, thought settled after the Cold War, of what system of governance will stand on the right or wrong side of history. In this section the leading ideologists of the China model and its “peaceful rise” appear alongside the fiercest critics of China's way.  相似文献   

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This paper appraises the state of the field on hybrid regimes by depicting the tensions and blurred boundaries of democracy and authoritarianism “with adjectives.” An alternative conceptualization and ordering of regimes are subsequently introduced using a configurative approach. Rather than place regimes on a linear continuum from authoritarianism to democracy, it highlights the multi-dimensional arrangements possible for the construction of regime types. The configurative approach also provides an analytically useful way to measure and integrate hybrid regimes into our classificatory schemes. As a result, it helps alleviate the conceptual confusion in the literature and contributes to a discussion of hybrid regimes beyond the framework of authoritarianism. The paper concludes by presenting a list of all hybrid regimes in the world between 1990 and 2009 identified with this method.  相似文献   

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