Trade,peace-building and hybrid governance in the Sudan-South Sudan borderlands

ABSTRACT

Trade and markets in weak states are often discussed in relation with violence, security and peace-building. A case in point are marketplaces in the Sudan-South Sudan borderlands where communities separated by insecurity and hostility meet, not only to trade but also to negotiate and exchange information. This does not imply that establishment of such markets automatically results in peace and stability. Based on new empirical research on the Amieth market in Abyei – an area contested by the two Sudans – I argue that such markets rely on security guarantees negotiated between a set of heterogenous societal groups and that the overall impact of such border markets is largely determined within a context of hybrid security governance. The conclusion emphasises that without a proper analysis of this context, external assistance to such borderland markets might just as well enable violent conflict actors as being a tool for peace-building.     

Evangelists, Oil Companies, and Terrorists: The Bush Administration's Policy towards Sudan

In contrast to the Clinton administration, which tried to isolate Sudan, George W. Bush initiated a dialogue with Khartoum and followed a “constructive engagement” policy. Three factors explain this radical change in U.S foreign policy: the influence of American evangelicals, the significance of the war on terror, and economic interests, particularly the oil lobby. However, each of these factors led Washington to opposite directions.     

Research Note: Hassan al-Turabi,Osama bin Laden,and Al Qaeda in Sudan

This research note explores the events and circumstances surrounding Osama bin Laden's stay in Sudan from 1991 to 1996. In particular, it discusses the role that the Sudanese politician, Hassan al-Turabi may have played in the development of bin Laden and al Qaeda. It draws particular attention to the role of the Popular Arab and Islamic Congress (PAIC) in the emergence of a distinctive form of Radical Islam and offers a preliminary discussion of the emergence of particular qualities of al Qaeda ideology.     

投资苏丹利弊谈

政局趋于稳定，经济恢复增长 苏丹是非洲面积最大的国家，石油资源丰富。苏丹现政权1989年上台后，对内推行伊斯兰教法，导致苏丹南方信奉基督教各族的反对；又由于外交政策僵化，引起西方国家及其邻国的不满，西方国家对其实施不公开的经济制裁。苏丹还因在……     

Sudan Journalists Delegation Visits China

At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding （CAFIU）, the 5- member Sudan Journalists Delegation visited China from April 8 to 15. In Beijing, Mr. Li Chengren, Executive Vice-President of CAFIU and Mr. Jiang Jianhua, Deputy Director-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, met with the delegation respectively. Mr. Tian Duanhui, Council Member of CAFIU and Deputy Director-General of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, held talks with the delegation. Apart from Beijing, the delegation also visited Tianjin.     

A future disarmament,demobilisation and reintegration process in Sudan: lessons learned from Ethiopia,Mozambique and Uganda

The conflict that broke out in Sudan on the eve of its independence from Britain in 1956 has devastated the country, retarded developmental progress, drained human resources and damaged the social fabric of the entire nation. However, the Protocol of Machakos which was signed by the Government of the Republic of the Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Sudan People's Liberation Army on 20 July 2002, states the commitment of the parties to a negotiated, peaceful and comprehensive resolution to the conflict within the unity of the country. With peace now in sight, the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants is essential to avoid the mistakes made in 1972. It is crucial to build a new future for the generations that have suffered so much in five decades of war. This paper examines the challenges that might confront DDR in post-conflict Sudan. It draws on past experience following the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement between the regime of President Gaffar Mohammed Nimeiri and the Anya-nya rebels, and on the experiences of countries that have gone through similar situations, such as Ethiopia, Mozambique and Uganda.     

Handing over an operational project to community management in North Darfur,Sudan

The Kebkabiya project was the first of Oxfam's operational development projects instigated during the 1980s to initiate a handover to community management. It therefore offers a possible model to other operational projects considering their eventual future. This article analyses the processes of handover into those affecting the operational control of service delivery, management control, and the project's financial base. It argues that a handover, if it is to be successful and sustainable, must be treated as a complex set of activities requiring a long time framework, much like any other developmental process.     

CAFIU Honorary Vice-President Wang Zhizhen Visited Turkey,Sudan and Attended the Third China-Africa People's Forum

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联合国为何解除对苏丹的制裁

9·11事件后不久，联合国解除了对苏丹持续5年的制裁。虽然制裁解除与否对苏丹无任何实际意义，因为制裁本身实际上形同虚设，但制裁的解除反映了一些深层次的问题，这其中包括苏丹政府在对待恐怖主义问题上的态度变化，苏丹政府外交政策的调整，美国对苏丹政策的改变，以及苏丹所蕴藏的丰富石油资源等。     

充满变数的2010年苏丹大选

将要来临的全国大选是苏丹政治生活的重大转折点.此次选举不仅将决定苏丹民主转型的成败,还将关乎苏丹的和平与统一前景.尽管大选延期给有关方面提供了更长的准备时间,但通往大选之路并未因之而畅通.战乱未休的达尔富尔地区能否以及怎样举行选举、执政党的全国大和苏丹人民解放运动能否继续协作以推进大选、三大反对党能否在选举中起到掣肘作用等原有不确定因素依然存在,新的不确定因素又不断出现,从而使这场期待已久的民主选举充满变数,并进而增加了苏丹未来政局的不确定性.     

苏丹内战中的宗教因素

苏丹内战是当今世界历时最长、产生原因最复杂、冲突解决最棘手的内战之一。导致苏丹内战爆发和持续的因素主要有宗教问题、种族问题、认同问题、殖民遗留问题、国家权力分配问题、环境资源问题及外部影响问题等 ,但宗教问题是最关键的因素。北方伊斯兰教和南方基督教的冲突对内战的爆发、进程及未来走向都有根本性的影响。因此可以说 ,苏丹内战就是宗教冲突激化和延续的结果与表现。两种宗教固有的不同政治观是导致南北冲突的本质原因 ,也决定了冲突的解决必然是困难重重。尽管苏丹内战可望结束 ,但无宗教间的真正平等与友好就不会有苏丹的真正和平与统一。     

Intent to Destroy: The Genocidal Impact of Forced Migration in Darfur, Sudan

The conflict in Darfur is now nearly three years old. Hundredsof thousands of civilians have been killed and millions moreremain unable to return to their homes, living the barest ofexistences in remote and often under-stocked and under-protectedcamps. Displaced populations are subject to malnutrition, diseaseand ongoing violence. Rape and other forms of sexual violenceremain a tool for instilling fear and controlling the civilianpopulation. Yet international will to protect and assist thevictims of the conflict remains weak, with governments and worldbodies bogged down debating the definition of genocide and theproper venues for eventual tribunals. This paper will examinewhether or not the conflict in Darfur does indeed amount togenocide, including a discussion of the role of forced displacementin reaching such a determination. It then looks at the 2005findings of the United Nations-sponsored International Commissionof Inquiry and discusses some of the reasons behind the internationalreluctance to reach a determination of genocide in the region.Lastly, it addresses the constructiveness of the genocide labelin the context of Darfur, and presents options for moving forwardwith a protection agenda regardless of what the conflict iscalled.     

Pastoral development and the use of para-vets in southern Sudan

Pastoralism in the Sudan has produced complex and varied livestock management systems, finely adapted to local environmental conditions. The isolation of pastoral communities has made it difficult for development agencies to form working relationships with them, and mistakes have been made when donors attempted to introduce unsuitable breeds and crops. The author advocates post-drought restocking with camels, because of their high tolerance of drought and low susceptibility to disease, and with goats, which are not labour-intensive, and reproduce at a fast rate. The article traces the social consequences of evicting pastoralists from range lands to make way for cash crops like cotton, and the environmental consequences of overgrazing. It describes Oxfam's programme of rehabilitation among pastoralists, with its emphasis on the use of locally-trained para-vets, and community participation in the management of animal health services.     

中国与南苏丹石油合作的机遇与挑战

南苏丹是世界上最依赖石油收入和出口的国家,还面临着石油勘探前景黯淡,缺乏配套石油工业和石油基础设施、对从苏丹继承的石油合同的修改空间有限,以及与苏丹的跨界油田的管理问题尚未理顺等诸多困境。目前,在南苏丹的石油产业管理体系还尚未形成的背景下,中国石油企业应当在充分理解南苏丹的环境与社会公平等问题的基础上,积极与南苏丹商议石油合同的继承与修改问题,抓住美国继续维持对南苏丹石油投资限制的机遇,巩固在南苏丹的石油投资。中国政府应当协调与南苏丹及苏丹关系中的石油利益,依托多边声誉机制和具有正式制度的第三方机制,改善中国与南苏丹能源合作机制的单一性,维护中国在南苏丹合法的石油利益。     

My Experience of Sudan＇s General Election

<正>From April 11-15, Sudan, a country with the largest territory in Africa, held a general election that attracted world attention. As a member of the     

曼德商人与伊斯兰教在西苏丹的传播

曼德商人构成西苏丹地区古老而独特的族群,他们不仅是撒哈拉长途贸易的重要中间商,还通过发展撒哈拉长途贸易,将伊斯兰教传播到了这一地区.当伊斯兰教被西苏丹社会接纳后,反过来又巩固了曼德商人的社会地位,进一步推进了他们长途贸易的发展.由此观之,曼德商人所推动的长途贸易与伊斯兰教在西苏丹地区的传播和发展是个互动过程.     

埃博拉病毒苏丹型核蛋白的原核表达及纯化

将目的基因NP亚克隆入原核表达质粒pET-28(a)中,构建了重组表达载体pET-28(a)-S-NP,然后用重组质粒转化BL21(DE3)感受态细菌,并利用IPTG诱导蛋白表达。将表达的蛋白利用His-Band Ni+柱进行亲和层析纯化,Western-blot鉴定表达蛋白。结果显示,重组质粒经双酶切后可得到与目的片段长度相同的特异性条带;测序结果显示此特异性条带与参考序列完全匹配,没有突变。纯化后的蛋白经SDS-PAGE和Western-blot鉴定,表达正确。结果表明,成功构建了重组表达质粒,且表达产物正确。