政治文明、和谐社会与法治理念——法治乃政治文明所需、和谐社会所求

由政治文明与和谐社会思想衍生的法治理念具有丰富的内涵。实践社会主义法治理念,必须建立中国特色的以权力制约与权力统合为内容的分权体制,不断提升执政党的民主能力和法治能力;必须贯彻人本思想、民本精神,尊重和保障人权,实现人民参与,使权力“属于人民、通过人民、为了人民”;必须以宪政与人权为核心价值,改造国家精神和政治价值观,建立和完善全面的权力制约体系,建设有限政府;必须将公平正义视为立法和制度的首要价值,为法制注入人性、人道和人权精神,通过公正司法维护社会正义;必须强化法治思维,将人权和正义价值作为政治社会稳定的内涵,以贯彻法治、保障人权和维护正义为服务大局的指导思想和行动指南;必须构建以正义和良知为基本内涵的政法文化。     

论法律保留原则

从我国行政法律理论和实践出发 ,法律保留在我国确立的基本依据是民主原则、法治国家要求和基本人权 ,其适用范围理论应该采用重要性理论 ,其适用的密度应该涉及法律、行政法规、地方性法规、单行条例、自治条例、行政规章等 ,法律保留适用的领域应该包括涉及人身权、财产权、劳动权、受教育权、政治权利以及行政组织和行政程序等行政活动领域 ,而且法律保留原则还要求法律必须具有明确性 ,以保证行政权力公正合理地行使     

“The ladder of the law has no top and no bottom”: How therapeutic jurisprudence can give life to international human rights

In the past two decades, therapeutic jurisprudence (TJ) has become one of the most important theoretical approaches to the law. But, there has, as of yet, been puzzlingly little written about the relationship between TJ and international human rights law. To be sure, there has been some preliminary and exploratory work on the relationship between TJ and international law in general, but virtually nothing on its relationship to international human rights law in a mental disability law context. This paper seeks to focus on this lack of consideration, to speculate as to why that might be, and to offer some suggestions as to how to infuse some new vitality and vigor into this important area of law and social policy.     

宪政基因概论——英美宪政生成路径的启示

宪政基因是具有历史传承性的 ,能够引起宪政产生并决定其性质与发展方向的基本的社会因素。英美宪政之所以能率先生成并成为其他国家的学习典范 ,一个至关重要的原因是英美社会中较早地生成了个人权利诉求、政治权力多元和法律至上的宪政基因。这些基因是宪政产生及发展的原始动力 ,体现为宪法中的人民主权、基本人权、分权与制衡以及法治等原则。缺乏宪政基因的东方国家 ,最重要的是在社会上有意识地移植和培养这种基因 ,否则即使制定了宪法 ,也未必能够很好地实施。     

社团成员的权利与社团的权利和权力

社团成员的权利是每一个成员在其团体内享有的对本社团事务的参与权；社团的权利主要表现为法人的权利，它既是相对于国家权力、也是相对于其他社团权利和其他公民权利（以及人权）而存在的。社团的权力不同于社团的权利，是对内而非对外的，其来源主要是法律授权和结社者的构建。社团权力具有私权力的特点，它比国家权力距离个人更近，但其强制性相对淡化。社团的责任源于社团的权力，不行使权力或权力行使不到位都要承担相应的责任。社团权力应当保障其成员的权利而不应压制其权利，社团领导人应该有引领其成员的作用和能力，他们之间的关系主要是权力与权利的关系。     

论政治文明与经济法--一种基于理念的解释

政治文明与经济法之间有着共同的社会公正理念、共同的经济人权理念和共同的和谐理念.经济法的产生带来了崭新的法律理念--社会公正,而社会公正也是文明的政治理念的基本内涵.经济法意义上的经济人权更多地体现为一种集体性的人权,从经济法调整对象的具体形态来看,几乎所有经济法律关系都包含着经济人权的基本内容,这些权利的实现状况也是一国政治文明实现程度的标志.作为克服"市场失灵"和"政府失败"缺陷的现代法,经济法的和谐理念是政治文明的和谐理念的法律表现和最终保障.     

和谐社会的刑事法治理性探讨

构建和谐社会需要实质的刑事法治,尤其需要高度重视、重新审视和检讨刑事政策的公正价值与谦抑宽容理性,合理兼顾犯罪防控和人权保障。在理论上,片面强调以报应主义论证刑法公正,把“刑法公正必然内在要求报应主义”这个命题作为一个“不言自明”的公理是存在很大疑问的。在刑事政策意义上的相对公正理性,不但内含了对犯罪规律的基本认识、对犯罪态势的基本判断、对可资利用的现实物质基础和精神文化资源的基本估价、对社会发展的基本考量、对人权尊重的基本态度,还内含了人性假设的基本立场以及在特定历史条件下的价值权衡和价值取向。现代刑事政策内含的谦抑宽容价值理念应当充分体现出最大限度地保障人权、最大限度地促进社会发展、最大限度地体现相对公正、最小限度地维持必要秩序这样一种“三大一小”理念;因此,现代刑事政策理念应当坚持“人权保障至上”、反对“犯罪防控至上”,坚持“公正至上”、反对“效率至上”。     

Law From Below: Women's Human Rights and Social Movements in New York City

Despite the ambivalent history of the domestic application of human rights in the United States, human rights increasingly offer important resources for American grassroots activists. Within the constraints of U.S. policy toward human rights, they provide social movements a kind of global law "from below": a form of cosmopolitan law that subalterns can use to challenge their subordinate position. Using a case study from New York City, we argue that in certain contexts, human rights can provide important political resources to U.S. social movements. However, they do so in a diffuse way far from the formal system of human rights law. Instead, activists adopt some of the broader social justice ideas and strategies embedded within human rights practice.     

从威权型法到自由民主型法——法治发展的全球趋势

法治社会的生成是一个不断削弱政治专权、捍卫个体尊严的过程。威权型法作为政治权力的孳息物 ,具有人格贬损、话语霸权、政法合一、严刑峻法等特征 ,从而使人不成其为人 ,使法不成其为法。从威权型法转向自由民主型法是全球化时代的法治发展趋势。自由民主型法的价值取向是权利至上 ;制度支撑是宪政体制 ,具体内容包括人民主权、权力分割、违宪审查、司法独立和政党守法等内容。     

论WTO中的发展权

发展权是作为个体的人和作为人的集体的国家和民族自由地参与和增进经济、社会、文化和政治的全面发展并享受发展利益的一种资格或权能,是全体人类对全面发展的本质要求。发展权已超越国际人权法的特定范围,成为指导包括WTO在内的国际关系各领域的一般国际法原则。WTO规则的实体规范和程序规范均包含了有利于发展中国家和人民发展权实现的因素,但其在整体上有利于发达国家而不是发展中国家。将发展权这种综合性的人权纳入WTO,可以在整体上矫正GATT/WTO运行以来所奉行的传统发展理论对人权的漠视和侵害,并按照人权的要求对WTO进行民主化改革,强化WTO以人为本的精神,以人权的规尺推进全球公平正义的实现,而不是将其作为已有特殊和差别待遇的辅助措施。     

合宪性推定的正当性

合宪性推定是宪法审查中一种重要方法。其最初起源于美国，尔后逐渐被德国、日本、澳大利亚等法治国所采用。国内目前对于合宪性推定方法的认识尚有不足，在一定程度上影响了宪法审查制度的有效运作。对于合宪性推定方法的借鉴，不在于简单移植，重点在于从一般原理的角度来探求其所存在的正当性基础。从人权价值、规范体系、经济理性等多角度对合宪性推定的正当性进行论证，可发现合宪性推定是一种原理性的宪法方法，根基于宪法的最高性、法官的经济理性、人权的目的性、国家权力的手段性等。合宪性推定的正当性论证，在折射出目前宪法方法的贫瘠的同时，也有助于摆脱宪法文本浪漫主义的方法论困境，进而体现出宪法方法兼具政治与法律的特性。     

Sparing the rod: Schools, discipline and children's rights in multicultural Britain

How should we treat unruly children in our schools? Which punishments are appropriate? successful?; and will they instill order and discipline in the next generation? These are the perennial questions asked by adults, answered by adults, and rarely posed to children themselves! Instead, educationalists and parents have sought to control minors by resorting to a variety of disciplinary sanctions. Today, however, the questions have to be set within a developing philosophy of `children's rights' whereby young people are seen as having entitlements which challenge existing notions of adult authority. This paper explores these issues within an overarching theme of human rights. It does not seek to promote the case for children's rights in isolation, but rather locates the question within the context of rights and responsibilities of pupils, teachers, and parents. Discussion provides an historical perspective on physical chastisement in the home and at school; analysis of the impact of the European Court of Human Rights on abolition in Britain; and a review of alternative sanctions being explored. Further, attempts to re-introduce the cane are considered notwithstanding clear indication from Strasbourg that violence can no longer be condoned. Finally, the dignity and integrity of the person will continue to be at the forefront of the debate on children's rights as there is clearly discernible an international dissemination of legal norms which can serve as a mechanism of social control, responsive to changing popular ideologies and effecting influence on social policy and practice.     

论经济法视角下中西方经济自由思想的发展

经济法中所蕴含的经济自由思想是通过对经济主体的经济权利（力）和义务的配置来实现的。中西方经济自由思想的发展历程以及在经济自由内涵上的共识对我国当前经济发展具有借鉴意义。经济自由作为一种经济理念,是人们期待社会经济所能达到的理想状态即在法律所允许的范围内的自主经济决策和经济行为;作为一种经济制度安排方式,是经济体制构建和经济政策的取向,也是经济自由的理念在经济生活中的现实化,其实质是在经济领域内各经济主体之间的权利（力）义务的配置要达到的一定比例关系。     

Shaping the Structure of Legal Opportunities: Environmental NGOs Bringing International Environmental Procedural Rights Back Home

Research on legal opportunity structures has focused on how existing law, standing rules, and the costs of litigation shape the likelihood that social movement groups will mobilize the law. Yet there has been relatively little research on how and why legal opportunity structures change over time. This article focuses on a case study of the mobilization of procedural environmental rights contained within the Aarhus Convention. It addresses the following empirical puzzle: how did rights that were designed to help Eastern Europeans achieve environmental democracy eventually contribute to a reshaping of the structure of legal opportunities in Britain? Through a two‐step historical process‐tracing analysis that relies on a social constructivist theoretical approach, this research shows that environmental groups mobilized Aarhus rights in a number of ways and across different judicial venues, resulting in an evolution over time of the meaning of access to justice so that it included being “not prohibitively expensive.” This research builds on previous work to show that civil society agents are not passive agents situated within legal opportunity structures but instead are strategic actors who can develop and shape access to justice through policy entrepreneurialism and litigation.     

论社会危害性理论与实质刑法观的关联关系与风险防范

社会危害性理论与法益理论确实可以成为实质刑法观的理论基础,但是社会危害性理论与实质刑法观的关联性比较复杂,并非如部分学者所提示的那样一一对应。就持有传统社会危害性理论立场的学者而言,他们其实并非可以简单地归入实质刑法观立场;而主张改革完善传统社会危害性理论的部分学者,反而坚持实质刑法观立场。在中国语境下,实质刑法观面临的风险与批评,主要根源就在于作为实质刑法观理论基础的社会危害性理论具有太过强大的解释功能,且实质解释论的功能表现包括了保障人权的正面功能与严重侵犯人权的负面功能的两面,呈现出矛盾属性。为了防范风险,不但需要发展实质刑法观,而且需要完善社会危害性理论。单面的实质刑法观或者保守的实质刑法观,主张通过实质罪刑法定原则的限制、实质犯罪论的限制与实质司法解释权的限制,以有效防范开放的实质刑法观可能存在的侵蚀人权保障机能的风险,因而应当成为当下中国最理想的选择。     

Gender Equality, Citizenship, and the EU's Constitutional Future

Abstract:  While gender equality has been a matter of some concern for EU law and policy makers over the past half century, this concern has tended, at least historically, to focus upon equal treatment in employment and has not yet materialised into the delivery of a broader package of civil, political, and social rights for women. Taking the concept of EU citizenship as a framework within which to view the promotion of gender equality, this article assesses the debate on the constitutional future of the EU. This is with a view to examining the possible amelioration of women's social position through the exploitation of opportunities that the constitutionalisation of EU law presents. Looking at women's citizenship through the lens of political rights to participate in the debate on the EU's future, together with examining substantive aspects of the Constitutional Treaty for their gender equality content, the article suggests that a more comprehensive endeavour by all institutional actors to engage in gender mainstreaming is needed in order to give effect to a broader form of equality between women and men.     

捍卫权利模式——个人信息保护中的公共性与权利

个人信息权和个人信息受保护权是两种相对立的模式,学界通常认为个人信息权赋予个人排他性的支配权,这与个人信息的公共性相矛盾。个人信息的公共性并不必然反对权利模式。一种广义的公共性包含着个人信息所负载的公共利益,个人信息的公开化也是网络时代个人和商业交往的必要前提,但这并不意味着要否定个人信息保护的权利模式。公共利益具有多样性,正是某些公共利益支持了权利。权利所蕴涵的主张权确保了人的尊严和自由,这也是个人信息保护法的立法宗旨;个人信息受保护权做不到这一点,它不具有义务指向性。但在立法模式上,个人信息保护法要以义务性规范或禁止性规范为主,这是由网络空间个人信息的性质决定的。     

阐释一个真实的中国宪法世界——以“宪法常识”为核心

阐释一个真实的中国宪法世界,不仅具有知识累积的意义,而且具有改进中国宪法制度的工具性价值。依托中国宪法常识,可以认为中国宪法的真实性在于：在宪法性质上乃为去政治化的政治法;在宪法权力结构上乃为以政治主权为主导的二元权力架构;在宪法权利的保障与实现方式上乃为以阶层宪法权利为核心、以政治主权为主导的政治化保障与实现方式;在宪法监督制度上乃为政治主权者基于使命——规律型代表而存在的垄断性与政治化的宪法监督体制。     

The Politics of Racial Disparity Reform: Racial Inequality and Criminal Justice Policymaking in the States

Racial inequalities in criminal justice are pressing problems for policymakers. Prior literature suggests elected officials promulgate punitive, racially disparate criminal justice policies due to partisanship and racial fears, but scholarship has yet to explain how and why elected officials address racial problems in criminal processing. This article introduces the framework of racial disparity reform policymaking. A racial disparity reform is a policy that seeks to reduce distinctions in criminal justice institutions’ treatment of racial groups. Elected officials pursue these policies due to ideological beliefs in civil rights ideals and political interests in appearing to solve social problems. Using an original database of policy enactments, this article first presents the distribution and types of reform measures adopted by elected officials in all 50 states between 1998 and 2011. It then examines social and political explanations for when state legislatures and executives adopt racial disparity reforms. Policy enactment is predicted by worsening problems of racial disproportion in criminal processing, Democratic control of elected branches, and the absence of judicial efforts to improve racial fairness within a state’s criminal justice system. Similar dynamics encourage the development of different measures types within policies. Such ideological and problem-solving explanations for racial disparity reform show a potential for elected officials to forge more racially just criminal justice practices.     

公共政策与最高人民法院的角色——以关于汶川、玉树和舟曲的通知为分析对象

最高人民法院在一系列的司法文件中形成了关于社会环境因素、管理因素和价值因素的公共政策。最高人民法院回应公共政策有非常状态的应对、社会改革的诉求、政法传统的延续等现实和历史的原因。从公共政策视角来看,最高人民法院在与公共政策相互关系、价值追求、司法哲学等角色定位方面都呈现出一些新趋向。