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1.
Petroleum is not just a commodity but a vital strategic asset with an impact on almost all aspects of the global economy. Although petroleum products are widely used all over the world, petroleum reserves, production and refineries are dominated by a handful of countries.  相似文献   

2.
本文以美国媒体与国际反恐联盟为个案研究,认为媒介外交与国家本体认知、国际形象的建构、全球政治体系的重组均有着千丝万缕的因果关系,而美国政府在"9.11"后对媒体的成功运用标志着媒介外交已成为国际关系中的新外交范式.  相似文献   

3.
The ability of nations to innovate technologically plays an important causal role in both security studies and international political economy. Explanations for national differences in technological capabilities, however, have had little place in international relations theory. This gap is partly the result of assumptions made by scholars that the rate and direction of technological change are determined by a state's domestic institutions and policies. This article will bring together recent findings about the political economy of technological innovation in order to show that much of this conventional wisdom is incorrect. Instead, it will be shown that, due to the distributive nature of technological change, different combinations of domestic tensions and external security concerns motivate elites to pursue or eschew a technologically competitive economy. Institutions are not causal, they are merely instrumental. Recent findings in the economic development literature therefore have important implications for security studies.  相似文献   

4.
As a consequence of rapid advancement of science and technology and economic globalization proceeding in depth in recent years, significant changes are taking place in the structure of the world economy. Most salient of all is the surge of emerging economies. The "BRIC"--Brazil, Russia, India and China--are experiencing rapid economic development and integrating themselves with the global economic system at an accelerating pace. This will not only have a powerful impact in the fields of economy, trade, finance, science and technology and culture across the world, but also significantly transfot-m the global balance of national economies. In his article carried in a recent issue of the U.S. Newsweek, Fareed Zakaria, Editor-in-Chief of the magazine's overseas edition, describes the three great power shifts over the past six centuries: The first one was the rise of the Western World around the 15m century; the second one, which took place in the closing years of the 19th century, was the rise of the United States; and the third is the current shift characterized by the rise of emerging powers other than the United States, which will usher in a "post-U.S. era".  相似文献   

5.
冷战结束后 ,国际政治经济格局发生的深刻变革对拉美地区国际关系产生了重大影响。国外学术界对此进行了深入的探讨 ,主要涉及以下几个领域。一 关于拉美国际关系理论90年代以来 ,拉美各国的政治家和学者以及美国等国的拉美问题专家对拉美国际关系理论和对外政策 ,提出了新的见解。80年代拉美国际关系的主要理论有 :决策过程论、实力政治论、政治类型论、国际体系论和依附论等 1 。90年代 ,拉美国际关系理论得到了新的发展。多数学者认为 ,冷战后指导拉美国家外交政策的理论出现了两个重大变化。一是对依附论的再认识。“依附论只是一种发…  相似文献   

6.
This article offers a general account of international relations studies (IR) in Latin America through an examination of IR thinking in the region, an inventory of IR theory courses in seven Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Trinidad and Tobago), and an analysis of journal articles selected from five specialized IR journals in Latin America. Although considerable U.S. influence upon the ways in which IR is approached in Latin America is made apparent through this narrative, the specific context in which IR studies have evolved in the region has substantially altered the content of U.S. IR discourse. Therefore, the article concludes with a discussion of the possible contributions of Latin American IR to Anglo-American perspectives in the field.  相似文献   

7.
This article establishes the broader framework for the rest of the volume by addressing the contemporary context of transatlantic relations and secondly by establishing strategic culture as the conceptual tool for the collection. The article takes issue with realist/material explanations of recent transatlantic disputes, as posited, for example, by Rober Kagan, which tend to portray the transatlantic divide as the US on one side and Europe on the other. In fact Europe itself was very much divided over Iraq and the conduct of US foreign policy. Moreover, the sources of this division, manifest vividly in the notion of Old and New Europe, were based on cultural, historical as well as material factors and as such are best understood by invoking the concept of strategic culture.

Thoughtful Europeans know that Europe must unite in some form if it is to play a major role in the long run. They are aware, too, that Europe does not make even approximately the defense effort of which it is capable. But European unity is stymied and domestic politics has almost everywhere dominated security policy. The result is a massive frustration which expresses itself in special testiness toward the United States. (Henry Kissinger, 1969) 1 1 Henry A. Kissinger, American Foreign Policy: Three Essays, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1969, p. 69. 1The author is grateful to several anonymous reviewers for valuable comments on a previous draft.   相似文献   

8.
21世纪任何一国所希望创建的国际关系体系,其形成都有赖于现实三重国际新秩序的发展.在和平、发展、合作基础上建立民主的国际政治新秩序是中国国际战略的目标追求.体现在现实的国际关系上,中国要从全球、地区、国家三个利益层面构建自身的国际关系体系.在全球利益层面,突出并适应安全与合作这一主题,寻求国际格局中有利于合作的共同战略利益基础,倡导建立多元文明平等、共处、合作、发展的全球秩序;在区域利益层面,着眼于地区利益关系的协调,达成地区内多个大国共同崛起的相互认同,尝试构建由地区潜力型大国或地区组织自愿推动的区域合作体系和相互依赖机制;在国家主权关系层面,重点警惕"新帝国主义"从理论到实践各方面对民族性的侵蚀,重视维护国际利益的民族性和多元性,丰富和创新以国家主权利益为支点的爱国主义,确立维护和平、保障安全、有利发展的崛起战略.  相似文献   

9.
10.
The year 2006 saw enhanced political trust, even closer economic interdependency, and deepened strategic partnership between China and many Latin American countries. It is fair to say that Sino-Latin American relations have entered a new phase.  相似文献   

11.
特朗普执政以来,美国对华战略定位出现全方位负面趋向,由“接触”向“规锁”的转型不断加深。作为当今国际体系中的新兴大国与霸权国家,两国关系正在形成战略竞争日益突出的新态势。中美经贸摩擦的出现和深化表明,经贸合作作为两国关系的传统“压舱石”,在单独应对战略竞争“新态势”方面所能发挥的作用有限。为有效阻止“新态势”向全面对抗与冲突方向演变,中美亟须重新定位、处理和管控彼此关系的“新范式”。包括全球安全治理在内的全球治理架构为中美战略博弈与权势平衡提供了相对稳定的制度体系。通过明确战略竞争边界、构建对话协调平台,有效借助第三方力量等,中美的理性博弈、积极合作能够得到有效推动,并直接带来全球安全治理在观念、制度、模式等方面的变革。这不仅符合两国根本利益和国际社会的普遍愿望,也是全球治理健全发展的需要。但确立“新范式”有待解决的一大问题是,经贸合作作为两国关系“压舱石”的作用已经不稳,需要探索新的“压舱石”,全球安全治理合作在此方面的作用是不够的。未来中美关系的首要特点是战略竞争,新的“压舱石”可以通过权力博弈建立某种相对稳定的机制架构,最终以大国权势平衡的方式来打造。  相似文献   

12.
当今国际关系中文化融合的新趋势   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
因特网压缩了地球的时间和空间,国家之间的交流和往来日益频繁。在不同文化因碰撞而发生冲突的同时,它们之间的依赖程度在逐渐加深,相互认同的范围在不断扩大。文化融合与冲突是一对矛盾运动的统一体,它们既相互对立又相辅相成地发展,共同构成对国际关系各个领域的作用和影响力。当前,国际社会的文化融合处于空前活跃期,无论内容和形式,还是广度和深度,都有新的发展。这一世界文化融合史上前所未有的新趋势主要表现在三个方面从单向发展到双向、多向,从物质发展到精神,从被动发展到主动。  相似文献   

13.
Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Bangladesh in October 2016 has dramatically uplifted the strategic value of Bangladesh to the world and presented new opportunities to Bangladesls'security,political and economic interests.Bangladesh and China have agreed to elevate'the closer comprehensive partnership of cooperation'to a'strategic partnership.'China's B&R initiative is perhaps a major project for Bangladesh to promote economic development and to connect itself with global markets.  相似文献   

14.
国际关系与国际法的关联性剖析   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本文首先从法社会学的视角探讨了国际关系与国际法的互动关系,通过对国际关系史和国际法发展史的回顾加以论证,继而依据国际现实批判了导致二者既存矛盾的因素,最后得出了以广义国际观念和全球治理模式来应对国际社会现实的结论。  相似文献   

15.
中印关系:一种新类型国际关系的战略选择   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1917年的十月革命、1947年的杜鲁门主义以及1991年的苏联解体是世界现代史上三个重要的历史性时点。由此,它们把近100年的世界历史划分为了三个不同的历史阶段。它们分别可称为:冷战前期、冷战中期和冷战后期。而冷战后的国际关系也随之发生了许多重要的变化。其中新兴发展中大国的崛起是最重要的历史事件之一。中印关系就是其典型的代表。  相似文献   

16.
国际新秩序的规范制度建设与过渡时期国际关系的特点   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
世界格局中的力量对比因素发生重大变化后,国际规范与制度因素常常面临转型和变革。系统分析冷战后国际政治经济秩序在变革过程中面对的主要问题,深化对过渡时期国际关系基本特征的认识,对推进世界多极化进程和确定中国在国际秩序变革中的战略定位有重要意义。一、现行国际规范制度的特点及其在变革中面对的主要问题  国际规范体系和机制架构是世界格局与国际秩序中基础性的构成因素。世界格局是反映特定国际力量对比状况与利益要求的合法化与制度化的国际利益平衡关系与分布格局,而国际秩序是反映和维护特定国际利益平衡关系的规范体…  相似文献   

17.
随着全球化深入发展、新兴发展中大国崛起以及伊拉克战争和金融危机对美国霸权的冲击,当前国际关系格局正发生深刻的变化.  相似文献   

18.
19.
拉丁美洲国家对外关系的变化与调整   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
在2009年拉美国家对外关系的变化与调整中,值得关注的问题有以下几个方面. 一美国对拉美政策的调整及美拉关系 奥巴马的政治及少数族裔背景、多边主义的主张、奉行变革外交和改善美拉关系的承诺令拉美国家对奥巴马上台后的美拉关系充满期待.  相似文献   

20.
Nongovernmental organizations have attempted to take control of civil society, displacing traditional governing institutions. This serves the interests of the terrorists, warlords, and mafia dons, who benefit from weak central government, and hinders the West's ability to mobilize allies to participate in the war on terror. NGO leaders who are hostile to the nation-state itself seek to transform a voluntary system of participation in international organizations by sovereign member-states via a “power shift” to an unholy alliance of multinational corporations and NGOs. Since they do not possess the traditional sources of legitimacy enjoyed by nation-states, they seek to impose their will by financial or forceful means—for example, “sanctions” or “humanitarian intervention.” A new class of NGOs has thus emerged that is essentially opposed to the diplomatic, legal, and military measures required for dealing with civilizational conflict.  相似文献   

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