‘No ‘til we know.’ Fela ba a tseba naa? Using African languages to communicate about HIV and AIDS to young South Africans

Abstract

An experiment was conducted in order to determine the extent to which the presentation of HIV and AIDS messages in different languages would affect the appreciation and comprehension of these messages among young South Africans. Interviews were carried out with 60 learners in rural and peri-rural schools in Limpopo Province. Four messages (on posters or in radio advertisements), were presented in three languages. The interviews focused on appreciation (to what extent do the participants like the messages?), perceived comprehension (to what extent do the participants think that they understand the message?), and actual comprehension (to what extent do the participants really understand the message?). The language of presentation did not prove to have any influence on appreciation, perceived comprehension or actual comprehension. A considerable gap was found between perceived comprehension and actual comprehension; participants overestimated their level of understanding. Significant correlations were found between perceived comprehension and appreciation, indicating that the better members of this target group think they understand HIV and AIDS messages, the more they like them.     

Suffering What It Must? Mongolia and the Power of the ‘Weak’

Mongolia is not a hapless object on which the great powers may act at will. Like other small states existing on the periphery of great powers, Mongolia has—and does exercise—political agency. Its policies and actions affect not only the bilateral relationship it has with each of the greater powers, but—as an outgrowth of those bilateral relations—it also exerts some influence on the relationship that the great powers, in turn, have with each other. “… you know as well as we do that right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.”¹     

No Return to the Past for Russia

Russian society is awakening and issues of domestic political and economic performance have come under closer scrutiny. To respond to the change, the Kremlin has moved to modify its method of governance – and strengthen its instruments of control – but there can be no return to the past. How the political process will evolve, and what the results will be, is impossible to predict, but the change will impact on Russia's domestic and foreign policies. In the meantime, Russia's international partners will have to deal with a familiar set of policies aimed at balancing between Moscow's real needs, its views of Russia's role and the opportunities which present themselves.     

Reflections on the Iraq War: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy

Our foreign policy elites, the press, our elected representatives and the general public internalize “lessons” from each war, although the lessons may be wrong or misapplied. How we arrive at such consensus lessons is a mystery. It is too early to predict what lessons from Iraq will guide future U.S. decision-making. But on the situation as it now stands, it is possible to make some broad generalizations concerning what went right in Iraq and what went wrong.     

Japan, Australia and the United States: little NATO or shadow alliance?

In a rapidly changing geopolitical and strategic environmentin which the current US administration is willing to demonstrateto the world that the pursuit of its national interest willnot be encumbered by multilateral forums, what role will USbilateral alliance partners such as Japan and Australia playin redefining the international order, especially in their areaof primary interest – East Asia? This paper examines anAustralian proposal for establishing an informal security dialogueat the ministerial level comprising the United States and twoof its bilateral allies in the Asia-Pacific. While the dialogueprocess has begun, the success of any such structure, however,will be largely coloured by accommodating the very differenthistories and strategic cultures that have developed withinthese countries, and the very different expectations other regionalstates have of them. Through the examples of the war on terrorand the war against Iraq, this paper argues that there is littleevidence of structured co-operation at the ministerial levelin place. Further, any exclusive high-level security dialoguewhich forms around this troika will incur the suspicion of manyEast Asian nations, as it may be seen as a platform for unrestrainedUS unilateralism and exceptionalism, which may in turn havenegative implications for Japan and Australia's continuing rolein Asia.     

Rethinking the Battle of Ideas: How the United States Can Help Muslim Moderates

There is little disagreement in Washington that the United States is losing the so-called Battle of Ideas, and there is a surprising consensus on what needs to be done: “reach out” to Muslim moderates. Bolstering moderate voices in the Muslim world is indeed crucial to the fate of the War on Terror, but “reaching out” to them is no solution. In fact, it is the last thing Muslim moderates need, since it deepens their legitimacy problems. The West's criticism may do more to help Muslim moderates become a political force to be reckoned with than its love ever could. This “cruel to be kind” rhetorical strategy can, and should, be combined with open material support for Arab and Muslim civil society, but crucially without regard to political orientation. Such a policy has its drawbacks and it will be a difficult sell, but it is the only way to make progress in the Battle of Ideas.     

Deception and Mutual Gains Bargaining: Are They Mutually Exclusive?

Conclusion We have made great strides in recent years teaching more people — in classrooms, corporate training sessions, and actual negotiations — about negotiations, including how to be more ethical and how to ensure that integrative joint gains are not left on the table. The fact that we even need to write an article like this is an indication of the advances that have been made.Yet exactly because of these advances, more care needs to be taken to ensure that the subtle distinction between what is ethical and what is integrative is maintained. Being ethical in negotiations is more complicated than producing greater joint utility, and the techniques that are helpful for producing greater joint utility should not be made more complicated by the addition of ethical concerns. Each issue — ethics and mutual gains bargaining — can stand on its own, and benefits by being considered on its own. By maintaining this distinction, we believe each will have greater clarity and greater impact, and our teaching and training will be both better received and more valuable to those we teach.     

China's New Multi-Faceted Maritime Strategy

As trade-driven growth and prosperity redefine both the Chinese economy and the global competitive landscape, U.S. policy makers increasingly must ponder whether the Chinese leadership will seek new options and capabilities to protect its far-reaching oceanic lifelines. As imported oil and raw minerals power the Chinese juggernaut, much of these flows traverse the Strait of Malacca and other littorals where there is little current Chinese capability to project power. In recent years, there is an ongoing debate among Chinese military circles regarding the feasibility of constructing a blue-water fleet that could change the balance of power in the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans. U.S. policy makers watch with increasing unease as a new generation of technically-savvy navy officers forcefully argue for a forward-looking maritime strategic posture that extends beyond the East and South China Seas. In addition, recent Chinese space-based and cyber warfare technology initatives bear watching as Beijing seeks to nullify key U.S. advantages in C4SRI using a high-tech variant of “asymmetric warfare.” Although it is unclear what direction future Chinese maritime strategy and doctrine will take, U.S. policy makers need to remain vigilant about rising Chinese maritime ambitions and capabilities in the future.     

China's Energy-Driven ‘Soft Power’

Energy security has prompted China to turn its strategic gaze to the seas for the first time in six centuries. For now, Taiwan remains Beijing's uppermost priority, but there are signs that Chinese leaders are already contemplating the “day after” matters in the Taiwan Strait to resolve them to their satisfaction. In the meantime, China is attempting to shape the diplomatic environment in vital regions such as Southeast and South Asia using “soft power.” By invoking the voyages of Zheng He, the Ming Dynasty's “eunuch admiral,” Beijing sends the message that it is a trustworthy guarantor of Asian maritime security. But the success of this soft-power strategy remains in doubt.     

Crisis of governance: Devising strategy to counter international organized crime

This article presents a five‐part strategy to combat International Organized Crime (IOC). First, it establishes the need for ongoing assessments: what is known and what needs to be known about IOC, as well as what opportunities exist to influence its operations? Second, the US must establish a clear‐cut and annunciated policy and strategy that draws on the resources of its many relevant agencies as well as international cooperation. Third, the US should endeavour to lead an international effort to enhance law enforcement. Fourth, law enforcement alone will be inadequate. Containing and neutralizing IOC will require disruption activities as well. Fifth, there is a need for private‐sector education programs to prevent successful criminal enterprises.     

COIN Machine: The British Military in Afghanistan

This article assesses the British military effort in Afghanistan looking at three key elements in the campaign: strategy, military operations, and the inter-agency “Comprehensive Approach.” We start by recognising the scale of the challenge that has faced the British: of all the provinces in Afghanistan, Helmand is the toughest to stabilize and secure. We then examine the evolution of all three elements above and find significant improvements in each: a flawed strategy has been corrected; the military have received more resources and become significantly better at COIN; and there is significant progress in the development of the inter-agency approach. In short, what the Americans will find in Helmand is a British COIN machine; a little creaky perhaps, but one that is fit for purpose and getting the job done. We briefly conclude on the prospects and the key to success: namely the development of a more coherent international strategy that accommodates the challenges posed by both Afghanistan and Pakistan.     

A re-conceptualisation of ex-combatant reintegration: ‘social reintegration’ approach

The social reintegration of former combatants is the most important aspect of the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process, but there is a paucity of literature providing a clear understanding of its challenges and what it actually constitutes, and, more importantly, how it could be planned and implemented in peace-building environments. In order to respond to the lack of theory, the paper will use the desistance theory which outlines assistance models for ex-offenders' re-entry into society and addresses the question of how social reintegration can be perceived and structured effectively in the overall DDR operational landscape. The proposed approach is presented through a matrix of relationships between the elements of ‘emphasis on the combatant’ and ‘emphasis on the community’ in terms of ‘low’ and ‘high’ levels, resulting in the four main models for community re-entry: ‘self-demobilisation’, ‘reinsertion’, ‘community-located reintegration’ and ‘social reintegration’. Having explored what they constitute in the practice of DDR in the second part of the analysis section, the social reintegration approach, which is structured over the dimensions of ‘family and community’, ‘sustainable employment’ and ‘civic responsibilities’, will be elaborated in the final part.     

The Intersection of Religion,Race, Class,and Ethnicity in Community Conflict

This brief essay explores some ways of defining what we need to know — but don't — about conflict within and between communities where there are strong identity differences based on religion, culture, gender, and race. Its particular focus is on the role that religion and religious leaders play in attempting to resolve identity-based conflict.     

Conflict resolution perspectives on civil wars in the Horn of Africa

Conclusion In conclusion, in order to find resolutions to the conflicts of the Horn of Africa, one needs to pay as much attention to the process as one does to content and substance.A paradoxical situation exists in civil wars, where there are no courts to declare who is right and wrong or where force cannot be the final arbiter. The paradox is that conflict parties need the cooperation of their adversaries in order to win. This means that refined argumentation to prove the rightness of a position (this is what I mean by content or substance) is not enough to get what one wants. People must be equally concerned about how to present their positions in a way that their adversaries can hear them, and become motivated to act in the manner they want. This is what I call process and this is what determines the success of negotiations, or for that matter, even discussions between various scholars who represent different sides of the conflict in the Horn. And this is where I feel the position versus interest distinction is helpful.Therefore, the challenge that this article poses to all conflict parties, citizens, nationals, and/or concerned participants is to focus on the common interests and overarching mutual goals that bind them, and allow such a focus to guide the route they take to handle the civil wars in the Horn of Africa. Hizkias Assefa, a native of the Horn of Africa, is Associate Professor of Management and International Affairs at La Roche College, Pittsburgh, Penn. 15237. His publications include:Mediation of Civil Wars (Westview, 1987) andExtremist Groups and Conflict Resolution (Praeger, 1988). During his forthcoming sabbatical year (1990–91) he will be working as a consultant on regional peacemaking initiatives in Eastern and Southern Africa.     

China's Naval Rise and the South China Sea: An Operational Assessment

Over the last fifteen years, the steady rise of China's naval capabilities has received a level of attention unmatched since the Soviet navy's expansion following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet much of that attention has focused on what that rise has meant for Taiwan's security or a possible contest with the United States.¹ But Beijing's seaward territorial concerns also reach far into the South China Sea. And it is there that the military balance has most swiftly swung in China's favor as a result of its modernization program. This article will examine not only how the military balance has shifted, but also what Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam and the Philippines, could do to best preserve their territorial interests in response to that shift.     

Shaking off the neoliberal shackles: “democratic emergence” and the negotiation of democratic knowledge in the Middle East North Africa context

ABSTRACT

There is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm.     

How Will We Fight?

In considering the question “How will we fight?”, this article begins by examining the threats we face from conventional, insurgent, and hybrid enemies as well as terrorists and super-empowered individuals. It then outlines how America can fight effectively against each threat—as well as identifying the deficiencies in our current force structure that will hinder that response. The analysis argues that America needs a well-balanced, medium-weight joint force. It then provides recommendations for each of the services, as well as special operations forces, to achieve that goal. It concludes by describing what is needed to insure our force is capable of the rapid innovation in wartime required of successful nations.     

Managing the Unmanned Revolution in the U.S. Air Force

The success of unmanned aerial systems in Iraq and Afghanistan has engendered an expanding set of new missions for them. The main issue surrounding UAS today is not whether, but to what effect, these assets will be nurtured. The UAS’ operational requirements and technology have grown, but there remains no clear responsibility for overseeing development, and the service's manned and unmanned communities disagree on the legitimacy and effectiveness of UAS. If existing managerial challenges are not addressed, institutionalizing UAS will become mired in intense international, industrial, and inter-service competition; more complex operational requirements; less qualified volunteers; and greater morale problems and career uncertainty.     

Intuition or Counterintuition? The Science behind the Art of Negotiation

This article celebrates the achievements made by the community of negotiation researchers. Looking back on what has been accomplished, the article addresses three questions: How have we thought about negotiation? How have we studied it? And what have we discovered through conducting research? Of particular interest are counterintuitive findings about processes at the negotiating table, around the table, and away from the table. Building on these contributions, the article looks forward by asking: What are some avenues for further research? The article concludes optimistically by noting that there will be even more to celebrate at the journal's fiftieth anniversary.     

Magister- en doktorale navorsing — Departement Kommunikasiekunde,Unisa, 1991/92

SUMMARY

The visual representation of meaning is an extremely complex activity in computer system design. Apart from a few simple guidelines for screen design, little attention is being paid to the visual construction of meaning by means of illustrations, diagrams, symbols, etc. Also no widely agreed set of icons or symbols exist for use by system designers. Nor are there any proven procedures to improve the effectiveness of screen designs. Current design practices fail to address the underlying problem of the structural analysis of images and the communication of meaning.

This dissertation therefore investigates the nature of visual literacy in computer applications and offers a paradigmatic approach to the analysis and design of computer images as a method to increase the probability that the user will receive and interpret the intended message accurately. The proposed model includes taxonomies of the structure and organisation of visual images and a set of evaluation criteria.