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This paper critically reviews postwar population development in Japan and aims to identify unsolved issues, which are possibly shared by other countries, and extract lessons for the future. First, I examine long-term development on fertility and life expectancy in Japan with a brief introduction of pre-war population history. I stress that some critical issues have often been ignored in policy debates and some important new challenges are now emerging, factors that are indispensable to extract lessons for the future. Second, I turn to the official population projections and related issues which again require scrutiny. Third, I emphasize that serious scientific investigation from multiple disciplines is essential to cope with the challenges of demographic changes and that Japan should take the leading role in research for the next generations all over the world.  相似文献   

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克林顿总统弹劾案中的权力和权利冲突   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
赵轶峰 《美国研究》2002,16(4):87-104
克林顿弹劾案反映了美国政治、国家和社会体制中多方面的权力和权利冲突.弹劾是罢免总统的唯一手段,但宪法关于弹劾的条款含义不明."独立检查官法"表现出巨大的政治破坏性,法律至上与个人权利价值在实践中难以平衡,党派倾轧渗入司法过程,大众观念与精英政治出现巨大的差距.此案例不仅暴露出美国国家制度中的许多问题,也引发对国家政治和社会观念更广泛的思考.  相似文献   

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战后日本选择在亚太地区推行重振战略、大国战略和拓展战略,逐步减轻战后体制束缚,恢复亚太强国地位,进而掠夺发展空间。三步战略目标明确、实施有序,相互衔接、融为一体,帮助日本洗脱战争罪责,骗取国际信任,攫取发展资源。这其中饱含了日本政府的政治谋略,具有很强的隐蔽性和迷惑性。由于日本亚太战略始终偏离正确轨道,并且为转嫁政府执政危机服务,所以很难取得最终胜利。当前中日关系紧张微妙。不能对日本保守政府抱有太多幻想,以防落入圈套,可以尝试联合国际力量,强化战后制裁体制,防止日本重蹈覆辙。  相似文献   

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As an instrument for governance, summitry is a novel structure for the management of contemporary hemispheric regionalism in the Americas. Such regionalism is a clear case of the "structuralist paradox" of international cooperation. This article attempts to explain the particular asymmetric regionalism in the Americas by using the concept of cooperative hegemony. The underlying hypothesis is that the U.S. government, since 1994, has pursued a strategy of cooperative behavior, at least in regard to power sharing, in two specific phases of hemispheric regionalism: agenda setting and institutionalization. This study tests the hypothesis through a content analysis of the main documents produced at the Miami, Santiago, and Quebec summits, then relates these findings to the progress of institutionalization from 1994 to 2003.  相似文献   

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This article explores competing definitions of equality embedded in contending visions for regional finance in the Americas. The U.S. free market–oriented project envisions extension of a NAFTA‐like regulatory framework hemispherewide, promising Latin Americans better financial services, credit, and investment in exchange for strong financial property protections and (implicitly) dramatically reduced financial policy autonomy for their governments. Venezuela's vision of “Bolivarian” finance, exported to the Caribbean and the upper Andes, promotes assertive state management of both foreign and domestic investors, populist redistribution, and increasing reliance on nonmarket financial transactions. Brazil's regional financial project would unite South America through continentwide physical infrastructure and capitalist financial markets while retaining a role for public sector banks responsive to central government priorities. Brazil's approach shares with Venezuela's an emphasis on governments' need for financial policy authority and with the U.S. approach a concern for regulatory predictability and financial deepening.  相似文献   

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Fifty years after the creation of the OAS, political power is not centralized in that organization but variously diffused throughout the interamerican system. Meanwhile, the Summit of the Americas process has slowly acquired its own institutionality outside the OAS, and is sometimes perceived as challenging the primacy of the ideal of the OAS as the principal institution of interamerican relations. Even with its own weaknesses, the Summit of the Americas has become the most important force for reform of the OAS. As the hemisphere prepares for the third full summit in Quebec, this essay assesses the relationship of these two institutions and their future prospects.  相似文献   

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This article attempts to take a new look at postwar Japan-China relations from the perspective of reconciliation. In contrast to the Murayama and Koizumi statements, one key phrase characterized both the August 14, 2015 Abe Statement and the report of the 21st Century Advisory Panel, which had been submitted earlier to the government: that key phrase is “postwar reconciliation.”  相似文献   

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Using Canada's relations with the Americas as a case study, this article seeks to better understand the link between identity and foreign policy. It argues that there is a gap between the Canadian government's recent efforts to construct a state identity increasingly turned toward the Americas and Canadians' national identity as it is expressed through public opinion. It concludes that the most plausible explanation for this gap probably has to do with Canada's European cultural heritage. The analysis shows that the projection of national identity into foreign policy is a much more complex process than the projection of state identity.  相似文献   

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借鉴西方符号学和文本分析理论,前田爱构建起日本的文本分析理论,并以此为利器,广泛涉猎读者论、媒体论、都市文学分析,为立体解读文本丰富内涵奠定了基础,在战后日本文学批评中起着承上启下的作用.  相似文献   

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In a context of heightened domestic ideology post–World War II, self-employed dressmakers contributed significantly to the making of the identity of Australian women. Through the skilled work of interacting with their clients and sewing their clothes, dressmakers both supported individual women’s presentation of “self” and operated at the intersection of gender and class relations. Working at home, they were not only making women’s clothes but also producing the social world. Drawing on interviews with thirteen women, this paper explores how such dressmakers’ work constructed a visual representation and interpretation of a feminine identity particular to their time, place, and local cultural context.  相似文献   

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二战后期和战后初期,在构建关于战后世界政治安排的同时,苏联领导人也非常关注在战后同美英发展经济关系的问题.迈斯基向莫洛托夫提交的关于战后美英经济政策的报告正是在这种情况下制订出来的.在这两份报告中,迈斯基对战后美英的经济政策以及苏美和苏英经济关系进行了深刻的分析,他提出的关于苏联与美英发展经济关系的构想,对当时苏联领导人在战后与美英发展经济关系等问题上的认识产生了影响,并且这种构想与苏联领导人在战后初期奉行的大国合作战略以及关于国内经济重建问题的一些思考是一致的.  相似文献   

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The second Abe administration, inaugurated on December 26, 2012, has been called a repudiation of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) rather than a strong endorsement of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). However, in the intervening months, public support has risen. Going forward, the Abe administration faces three serious challenges, namely the economy, security and foreign policy, and a strategy to win in the Upper House elections expected in July 2013. This article analyzes each of these challenges and explores possible courses that the administration could take.  相似文献   

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