Normative and Civilisational Regionalisms: The EU,Russia and their Common Neighbourhoods

The contours of regionalism in a wider Europe are shaped by two dominant actors, the European Union (EU) and Russia, which often have divergent visions of the regional landscapes in a vast area constituting their common neighbourhood. The EU can be characterised as the promoter of normative regionalism, while Russia generates different forms of civilisational regionalism. Russia’s emphasis on the civilisational underpinnings of its regional integration model paves the way for two different strategies: one based on liberal imitation and replication of EU experiences in order to strengthen Russia’s position in the global neoliberal economy, and another grounded in illiberal contestation of the normative premises of the EU with the purpose of devising an ideologised alternative to the liberal West.     

冷战时期东南亚地区安全复合体:产生、演进与建构

研究东南亚地区安全复合体的产生、发展的演进历程,是我们把握冷战时期东南亚地区安全格局演变的关键主线,也是了解同期地区主义与区域安全之间互动关系的重要途径。安全复合体的出现为开展地区安全合作创造了条件,也是安全区域主义发展的起点。冷战时期东南亚地区安全复合体在构建过程中遵循了安全连续统一体的演进规律,地区安全结构经历了从冲突竞争为基调到对话合作为主旋律的显著变化。东盟国家一方面借此调解和缓和地区国家间的矛盾冲突,达到团结和整合地区安全力量的目的;另一方面试图通过推动地区中立化的安全机制,实现冷战两极体系下东南亚地区安全格局的平衡和稳定。从寻求共同安全到地区合作安全的最终建构,东盟把一个分裂对抗的东南亚逐步发展过渡成为一个团结互助、相互依存,愿意为了地区和平、稳定和发展而共同奋斗的发展中国家地区主义合作典范。同时,冷战时期培育合作型安全复合体的实践培养了东盟国家间的政治安全互信,增强了对地区的认同,这为冷战后东盟地区安全结构向更高一级的安全共同体升级打下了坚实的基础。     

东南亚区域间主义的历史考察

从历史角度考察,东南亚区域间主义早于东南亚区域主义,其发展进程中存在着双区域间主义、跨区域主义和半区域间主义3种基本类型。就东南亚本地行为体在其中的地位和作用看,它经历了从冷战时期“追随”为主、“弱主导”和“弱参与”为辅,到后冷战时期“强主导”为主、“强参与”为辅的重大变化,由此实现了从“依赖”到“自主”乃至“中心”的根本性转变。这一历史演变进程表明,东南亚区域间主义与区域主义是紧密联动的,由此形成可以产生某种结果的互动关系和催生共同制度和集体认同的建构关系。     

民族主义与区域主义--论后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构的双重困境

在后冷战时代,东北亚“混合型区域主义”的矛盾性、复杂性和流变性要求人们不要以西方的经验来评估和判定东北亚的区域主义,而在逻辑上和事实上呈现出多重张力的东北亚民族主义又使东北亚的安全现实日益严峻。对后冷战时代的东北亚安全观念建构而言,二者之间的张力构成了现实和理论上的双重困境。这种困境也昭示了后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构所面临的复杂性、紧迫性和脆弱性。突破和超越这种双重困境的关键在于:东北亚各国如何消融国内日益增强的民族主义情绪,东北亚的知识界如何应对西方主导的全球主义意识形态和学术话语霸权的挑战以及东北亚社会如何汲取传统的东亚体系的合理因子,以避免新的帝国观念和帝国体系的出现。     

The security policy of the greens in Italy

This article provides an overview of the current state of financial regionalism in East Asia and discusses why and how the East Asian countries should go forward in terms of financial and monetary regionalism. It highlights intra-regional exchange rate stability as an important regional public good and makes the case for greater exchange rate cooperation. To this end, East Asian countries should gradually reduce their exposure to the US dollar and move towards currency basket regimes which would sustain relative intra-regional exchange rate stability while allowing for sufficient flexibility to accommodate idiosyncratic shocks. Against the backdrop of the global and European financial crisis, the article also urges a reconsideration of the costs and benefits of international – and regional – financial integration and calls for a further strengthening of East Asia's regional financial architecture.     

东亚金融区域主义的兴起及其地缘安全影响

2008年全球金融危机以后,国际货币金融体系持续动荡,以地区金融安全合作为导向的金融区域主义逐步兴起,且成为一种显著的地缘政治经济现象。金融区域主义对地缘安全的影响主要有两个方面:一是地区金融安全,地区金融主义有助于构筑地区金融安全网络,推动地缘经济整合;二是地缘政治安全,地区金融主义会扩大地区大国的地缘政治影响力以及增加地区排斥外围国家干涉本地事务的能力。金融区域主义产生的这些地缘安全影响对不同的行为主体而言,具有不同的意义。首先,东盟作为地区性的经济共同体,会极力反对东亚大国利用金融区域主义将东盟纳入其势力范围之下,威胁东盟的地缘政治安全环境。其次,作为最大出资方,中日对地区货币金融领导权的争夺变得日趋激烈,且形成了持续的冲突性关系,从而削弱了东亚金融安全合作的政治前景。最后,东亚作为美元回流机制中的关键一环,如果将美国排斥在外,无疑会增加东亚地区与美国的地缘政治矛盾。因而,东亚金融区域主义在兴起的过程中,不仅要看到其稳定地区货币金融秩序的一面,同时也要看到其有可能制造地缘政治安全问题的一面。     

The effectiveness of interregional security cooperation: evaluating the joint engagement of the EU and the AU in response to the 2013 crisis in the Central African Republic

African Union (AU)–European Union (EU) interregional security cooperation has not so far been analysed systematically with regard to its effectiveness despite the substantial support of African capacity building by the EU and joint peacekeeping of the partners. Assessing AU–EU cooperation in the Central African Republic (CAR), this paper examines to what extent and under which conditions EU–AU efforts are effective. Concerning the dependent variable, the presented conceptualisation of effectiveness includes both internal (goal attainment) and external (problem-solving) perspectives. The independent variable draws on two strands of literature that barely speak to each other: interregionalism and inter-organisationalism. It focuses on the conditions of effectiveness which include both internal (RO-specific) and interregional factors. The findings suggest that AU–EU engagement in the CAR was effective in the medium term. Strong incentives of the partners, the French leading role and the convergence of the partners are identified as factors conducive to a medium to high effectiveness of the engagement.     

Diversity Management: Regionalism and the Future of the International Order

Abstract

The ongoing redistribution of power on the international stage points to a more decentred international system featuring a multiplication of governance arrangements. A larger range of pivotal countries have the capacity and the confidence to pursue different priorities, a development that questions the prevalent post-Cold War expectation that the liberal international order would grow both wider and deeper. The central challenge for the future of the international order is managing diversity in ways that minimise conflict and leverage the benefits of interdependence. The evolution of regionalism and regional orders will be a critical dimension of the realignment of power, interests and normative agendas at the global level. Both more competition and more cooperation are likely to take place at the regional level, with the mix changing in different parts of the world. Provided that it is not merely a cover for coercive hegemonic aspirations and that it is designed to complement other levels of cooperation, regionalism can play an important role in preventing a more polycentric world from becoming a more fragmented and unstable one.     

Regionalism in Asia as Disguised Multilateralism: A Critical Analysis of the East Asia Summit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Revolving around the concept of ‘Community’ or ‘community’, debate on an Asian region has ostensibly pitted those who proposed an entity limited to East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea and the ten countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN) against those who proposed a much wider region embracing India, North (and, perhaps, South) America, as well as Australasia. Previously these two conceptualisations possessed their eponymous translation in the East Asian Economic Caucus (reincarnated as ASEAN+3) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. However, with the creation in 2005 of the East Asian Summit to include India, Australia and New Zealand and, above all, its 2011 enlargement to include the United States and Russia, the contrast between the two conceptualisations of an Asian region has become confused. In order to explain this development, this article suggests that the language of ‘region’ or ‘community’ is a discursive smokescreen disguising changes in approaches to multilateralism. An examination of the East Asia Summit, contrasting it with another recent regional project, the Trans Pacific Partnership, suggests that the actors involved are seeking to ensure the primacy of individual nation states in intergovernmental multilateral relations.     

中国与东亚共同体建构

在探讨东亚地区主义时通常所运用的三种思维范式———现实主义、自由主义和建构主义的思维范式。按照这样的一些思维范式分析,90年代后期的区内外因素促成了东盟+3会议的召开和真正意义上的东亚地区主义的发生及东亚同盟体的建构所面临的挑战。中国和平崛起对于参与和推进东亚共同体的形成具有重要的作用。     

Reported compliance in police-civilian encounters: The roles of accommodation and trust in Zimbabwe and the United States

Abstract

Recent research has demonstrated that, for young adults, officers’ accommodative practices are potent predictors of civilians’ attributed trust in the police, and their perceived likelihood of compliance with police requests. The present study continued this line of work in the African nation of Zimbabwe and in the United States. Besides differences between nations, results revealed that for US participants, officer accommodativeness indirectly predicted civilian compliance through trust. For those in Zimbabwe, however, only direct relationships were found – between officer accommodation and civilian trust, and between accommodation and compliance. The theoretical and practical significance of these are discussed.     

明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的传播

本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化,并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比,探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。     

Party competition in emerging democracies: representation and effectiveness in post-communism and beyond

Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.     

牛隐孢子虫和隐孢子虫病的研究进展

从牛隐孢子虫病的病原分类、内生发育史、体液免疫和细胞免疫、流行病学特点、诊断、防治等几方面阐述了牛隐孢子虫和隐孢子虫病的研究现状,总结了前人对牛隐孢子虫3个有效种的生物学特性研究的结果,为进一步了解牛隐孢子虫病的流行病学及有效防制该病提供了参考。     

Elections and landmark policies in Tanzania and Uganda

Much of the relevant literature on Africa downplays the salience of elections for policy-making and implementation. Instead, the importance of factors such as clientelism, ethnicity, organized interest groups, and donor influence, is emphasized. We argue that, in addition, elections now motivate political elites to focus on policies they perceive to be able to gain votes. This is based on analyses of six landmark decisions made during the last 15 years in the social, productive, and public finance sectors in Tanzania and Uganda. Such policies share a number of key characteristics: they are clearly identifiable with the party in power; citizens are targeted countrywide; and policy implementation aims at immediate, visible results.     

宁夏利通区乳牛育成期钙 磷盈亏状况调查

对宁夏吴忠市利通区 14个养牛场 (户 )进行了乳牛育成期钙、磷营养状况调查 ,测定了饲料钙、磷含量及育成期乳牛血中钙、磷、羟脯氨酸、碱性磷酸酶、甲状旁腺素、降钙素含量。结果表明 ,养牛小户的乳牛钙、磷代谢基本正常 ;散户、大户和中户的乳牛血钙不足 ;散户的乳牛血磷偏高 ,钙、磷比例失调。相关分析表明 ,钙与磷、甲状旁腺素呈中度正相关 ,相关系数分别为 0 .4 80、0 .4 5 0 ,钙与碱性磷酸酶呈中度负相关 ,相关系数为 - 0 .6 76 ;磷与羟脯氨酸呈中度正相关 ,相关系数为 0 .4 44。碱性磷酸酶与降钙素呈中度正相关 ,相关系数为 0 .4 85。降钙素处于正常范围 ,平均数为 4 .5 0 pmol/L± 6 .4 7pmol/L ,95 %的置信区间为 1.77～ 7.2 3pmol/L。     

屠宰猪肝和血清中乙型肝炎病毒及戊型肝炎病毒的检测

应用1对乙型肝炎病毒(HBV)S基因保守区的引物,采用PCR方法从屠宰猪肝、血清中检测到了HBV,序列分析表明,扩增片段与已发表的HBV S基因的同源性高达98%~100%。电镜负染色样品观察结果表明,在HBV表面抗原ELISA检测强阳性反应的血清样品中存在有形态、大小与人HBV Dane颗粒和小球状颗粒相似的病毒粒子。针对戊型肝炎病毒(HEV)ORF2/ORF3重叠区设计了简并引物,采用巢式RT-PCR对屠宰猪肝和血清样品进行了检测。结果表明,部分屠宰猪肝中存在HEV。     

Associations and democracy in Algeria

What role does associational activism play in political life in the Middle East and North Africa? Have associations been largely co-opted, thus reinforcing authoritarian governance? Or are they part of drawn out democratization processes, emerging over the last two decades, exploding during the Arab Spring? Divergences in responses to these questions have been striking. From initial optimism about the potential of associations to contribute to democratization, much recent literature has been increasingly pessimistic, framing associations as part of the problem of failed political transformations. Algeria, in particular, despite minimal donor funding, has seen a surge in associations over the last 20 years. Yet, these 93,000 new associations have come under scrutiny. Building on extensive fieldwork, this article explores Algerian associations at grass-roots level, after the decade of violence in the 1990s. It analyses how associations challenged the state during the Arab Spring, how they question historical state narratives and challenge government policies. Despite political and structural obstacles, it is found that Algerian civic associations do not inhibit democratic society, indeed they enable it, not necessarily as transformative actors, but as meaningful democratic agents pushing for reform.     

中俄宗教兼容性与排他性的历史解读

中国民间宗教信仰具有兼容性,官方宗教政策也呈现出以兼容为主排他为辅的特征,这造就了中国民众宗教思想的实用功利性;而俄国民间宗教信仰则具有排他性,官方宗教政策也呈现出以排他为主兼容为辅的特征,这培养了俄国民众宗教信仰的纯粹性。中俄宗教的兼容性和排他性,以及由此产生的实用功利性和信仰纯粹性,成为两国文化根深蒂固的特质,深刻地影响着中俄两国的重大事件和历史进程。     

Road development,and changes in livelihood and mobility in Savannakhet,Lao PDR

The development of roads is a major focus of development projects in the Mekong Sub-Region. This empirical study was conducted in Savannakhet, Lao PDR, to examine the benefits of road development, its impact on livelihoods, and the link between livelihoods and mobility through the concept of sense of place. The results showed that road development affected people's livelihoods, which, in turn, affected their sense of place and mobility. Analysing sense of place allows us to understand how road development can change gender norms and why more women migrate than men.