共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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美国与"甘泉岛事件" 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
20世纪50年代中期所谓的"中共甘泉岛登陆"事件引起美国的高度重视,不仅国务院频频召开会议,与驻外使馆联络核实情况,还派出飞机和舰艇前往侦察.美国的立场是:西沙群岛的主权问题尚未解决;坚决反对"中共"在西沙群岛活动.这是其冷战时期遏制战略的一个表现. 相似文献
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二战期间,美、英对泰国的宣战采取不同态度.两国在东南亚追求的政治目标相互矛盾,形成了不同的对泰政策.美、英对泰政策的分歧由战时延续到战后.美国积极干预1945年英泰媾和谈判,为战后建立长期密切的美泰关系奠定了基础. 相似文献
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美国与第一次印度支那战争 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
194 6 - 195 4年第一次印度支那战争期间 ,出于东亚冷战和加强欧洲合作的双重需要 ,美国对印度支那的政策不断进行调整 ,从开始的所谓“中立”逐渐转向对法国的全面支持 ,不仅为法国在印度支那的殖民战争提供了大量经济、军事援助 ,而且愈来愈表现出欲在该地区取代法国的倾向。美国对第一次印度支那战争所奉行的政策产生了严重后果 ,它为日后美国更深地陷入越战泥潭铺平了道路 ,特别是这一时期美国决策者提出的“多米诺骨牌理论” ,更是危害深远。 相似文献
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Kubo Fumiaki 《Asia-Pacific Review》2020,27(1):31-49
Although it is commonly believed that as Prime Minister of Japan, Nakasone Yasuhiro focused diplomatic efforts on the United States, his first trip abroad as prime minister was to the Republic of Korea. In the 1950s, he was even a vocal critic of the US-Japan alliance. But he was different from many other politicians in reading books, traveling abroad to discuss issues with foreign leaders, and soliciting ideas and advice from intellectuals. In the end, he acquired mature views on how to fight the Cold War as well as maintain robust relations with the US. This article traces the evolving approach he had with the United States from the Occupation through the “Ron-Yasu” relationship during his prime ministership. 相似文献
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Victor D. Cha 《Asia-Pacific Review》2002,9(2):45-60
The US-South Korea alliance has been one of the most successful relationships to be forged out of the Cold War era. Since the June 2000 inter-Korean summit, however, one area of consistent friction between the two countries has been over North-South relations. In this article, Victor Cha, associate professor of Government and D.S. Song-Korea Foundation Chair in the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, argues that a key dynamic at play is one of perception, involving errors of attribution. Allied complaints about the other are heard, but attempts to address these complaints are dismissed by the counterpart as having been determined by the situation rather than by volition--that is, disposition. This results in mutual frustration. Since the "axis of evil" appellation attached to North Korea by US president, George Bush, both sides have interpreted North Korean behavior as confirming their own convictions on how to proceed. Despite rhetoric to the contrary, the result has been a dichotomy in the way the two governments approach inter-Korean relations. 相似文献
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试论美国最高法院与司法审查 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
美国联邦最高法院是世界上最有权威的法院之一,这一权威很大程度上来源于它对美国宪法的最终解释权。以司法审查这一制度形式体现出来的宪法解释,一方面使得美国古老的宪法得以与时俱进,适应美国不断变化的现实,另一方面也引发了一场关于最高法院是否越权的永无休止的争议。最高法院的历史表明,貌似中立的法院及其大法官依然无法完全摆脱时代潮流的影响和政治势力的干预。无论是对司法自由主义还是司法保守主义,司法能动还是司法克制,人们只有在特定的历史背景中才能理解。同样,司法审查所具有的反民主、反多数的难题,也只有在美国独特的联邦制和选举政治的制度框架内才能得以解释。 相似文献
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AbstractIn an attempt to publish some reviews sooner after material comes out, the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars has added this section of short reviews of individual books, movies, TV series, and so on. For more information about short reviews as well as review essays, see the introduction to the list of books to review on p. 92 of this issue. 相似文献
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Franklin W. Houn 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):16-36
AbstractSince the New China News Agency's release on March 15, 1949, of an editorial entitled “The Chinese People Are Determined to Liberate Taiwan,” that theme has been a cardinal principle of Peking's national policy. To appreciate fully the Chinese position, one must recognize not only Peking's claim that Taiwan is legally, ethnically, and historically an integral part of China, but also modern China's yeaming for national reunification and territorial integrity. On the ethnic question, China points to the fact that except for an extremely small number of aborigines, the inhabitants on the island today, including the so-called “native Taiwanese,” are of Chinese ancestry. They speak southeastern Chinese dialects and share with their compatriots on the mainland all the other basic Chinese cultural traits. Historically, as a Chinese spokesman once put it, “long before Christopher Columbus discovered America, the Chinese people were already in Taiwan. Long before the United States achieved its own independence, Taiwan had already become an inseparable part of the territory of China.” Although imperialist Japan occupied the island from 1895 to 1945, the island was returned to China in 1945 after Japan's surrender at the end of the Pacific War. 相似文献
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Dieter Mahncke 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(1):79-93
Relations between the United States, France and Germany significantly determine the content and structure of the broader transatlantic relationship. Relations improved after the changes of government in Germany in 2005 and France in 2007, and they can be expected to improve further after the change of administration in the United States in 2009. Washington is likely to pay more attention to its European allies while these may become more involved in issues beyond Europe's borders. Sharing leadership will be the challenge for the United States, while bringing more intellectual and material input will be the challenge for the Europeans. At the same time, France and Germany will develop and maintain independent views. But if partnership is the aim on both sides of the Atlantic, a more promising relationship can be expected even where differences exist. 相似文献
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Kristen Nordhaug 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):103-116
This article starts from Peter Gowan's notion of a Dollar-Wall Street Regime (DWSR) characterized by financial deregulation, the dollar as the world's currency, large international capital flows, and frequent financial crises. The author argues that the DWSR has relied on a special economic relationship between the United States and East Asia, characterized by large East Asian trade and current account surpluses with the United States and the investment of East Asian dollar holdings in U.S. capital markets. For some time both parties benefited from this relationship, but eventually it gave rise to financial crises in East Asia. Thus, Japan's financial crisis around 1990 and the 1997/98 East Asian financial crisis are both related to economic over-accumulation caused by the buildup of currency reserves through trade with the United States. Attempts at East Asian monetary integration since 1997 are viewed as a potential challenge to the DWSR. These attempts have however been blocked or rendered harmless by regional divisions as well as by U.S. resistance. While an East Asian political challenge to theDWSRis unlikely for the time being, the special U.S.-East Asian economic relationship may become substantially weakened by the growing problems of the U.S. economy. 相似文献
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