“朴定阳事件”与中朝之间的外交纷争

“朴定阳事件”是朝鲜政府试图摆脱清政府的干预,跻身于世界民族之林的一次外交行动。从1887年9月到1891年12月,中朝两国围绕着“朴定阳事件”,进行了长达4年之久的反复交涉。清政府在阻止朴定阳出国、遵守三条规则（“三端”）、惩治朴定阳三个环节上,作出了诸多努力。然而,所有这一切都化为泡影,最后只得以“不得委以重任”、“不准再充使臣之职”为台阶,尴尬收场。清政府在这场旷日持久交涉中的唯一收获,就是阻遏了朝鲜政府遣使驻扎欧洲的计划,勉强维护了宗主国的体面。该事件反映了朝鲜政府对清政府后期全面干预政策的不满与抗争,昭示了朝鲜谋求国家独立的坚定意志。它作为一杆标尺,验证了清政府对朝政策的失败。     

临沧回族迁移的历史过程

临沧市地处云南省的西南边陲,回族是它的世居民族之一,自元朝起,他们与临沧其他世居民族共同开发临沧、建设临沧。临沧与缅甸有290多公里的边境线,近代以来,在中华民族反帝反封建斗争中,市内部分回族迁移缅甸,回族成为临沧跨境而居的民族之一。     

朝鲜朴弘美《清江赋》与《前赤壁赋》之比较

苏轼的《前赤壁赋》借景抒情,排解人生失意的苦闷,在山水意象中寄托自己的抱负,回归本真,不忘初心。朝鲜文人朴弘美的《清江赋》是"推陈出新"式的作品,是《前赤壁赋》的继承发展,意在与苏子探寻处世之道,并在山水中与之共叙"诗情画意"。朴弘美在苏轼原有的情感意志的基础上又表达出自己的人生态度,强调活在当下,认为顺其自然尤为重要,并将情志托付于山水,用自然的馈赠宣泄自己内心的苦闷。二人在面对失意人生时找寻适合自己的宣泄方法并保持乐观的态度,这一点一脉相承。虽然《清江赋》的艺术成就和文学影响不及《前赤壁赋》,但《清江赋》仍为后人提供了新的写作视野和创作角度。朴弘美对《前赤壁赋》的继承与创新说明宋代文学对朝鲜文学影响之深远,朝鲜文人对中国文学作品的阐发和理解使其作品焕发了新的生命力,使后人有更为广阔的思考和审美空间。     

韩国古代类书《芝峰类说》征引《鹤林玉露》考略

韩国古代著名类书《芝峰类说》共9次征引了宋代笔记《鹤林玉露》的内容,其中有7条与作者李啐光的诗论有关。《芝峰类说》对《鹤林玉露》的征引,以节录为主要方式,以阐发诗论观点为主要目的,体现了他深厚的学识和“尊唐抑宋”的诗学观念,也是当时中韩两国文化交流的一个例证。     

粤泰经贸关系:前景与挑战

文章从广东与泰国经贸关系的基础出发,重点分析粤泰经贸的现状和前景,并介绍了在泰国政治危机和全球金融危机双重条件下粤泰经贸关系进一步发展所面临的挑战.     

Hope and reality in Vietnam and Myanmar

When IIPS Senior Research Fellow Hisahiro Kanayama embarked on this project, he found that information on Vietnam and Myanmar was often biased or insufficient. This article is based on a month‐long factfinding trip to Southeast Asia, where he interviewed analysts in government, international organizations, research institutes, and diplomatic circles. Kanayama notes that Vietnam and Myanmar may become—as part of an enlarged ASEAN—a force ranking fourth in regional political clout after the US, Japan and China. Neither excessive expectations nor indifference to neighbors is an appropriate response from Japan, he states. His research was conducted prior to Myanmar's release of Aung San Suu Kyi. The article has since been updated.     

Imperialism and Democracy: Convergence and Divergence

This article explores two models of non-state education provision in Myanmar (Burma), in order to draw conclusions regarding templates for ethnic education regimes in this fast-changing country. Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar have developed education systems in the context of long-running armed conflicts. This paper examines two such regimes. Karen communities struggle with few resources to educate their children. Despite great difficulties, the Karen National Union has developed a curriculum based upon one Karen dialect, which is employed in about 1,000 schools. Graduates of this education regime are mostly unable to speak fluent Burmese, or to integrate with the Myanmar tertiary education system; they are orientated towards a Karen national identity, rather than Myanmar citizenship. However, with the beginnings of a substantial peace process, Karen educators will need to re-think their implicitly separatist agenda. A comparative case study is offered by the Mon ethnic minority. The New Mon State Party has had a fragile ceasefire since 1995. Some 270 Mon National Schools provide Mon language instruction at elementary levels, shifting to Burmese at middle school. As the Mon Schools follow the government curriculum, with extra classes in Mon language and history-culture, graduates are able to matriculate and enter the nationwide tertiary education system. We argue that the Mon experience can be a useful model for education reform in a transitional Myanmar, as political and civil society leaders negotiate a more decentralised state.     

广东“东盟战略”及其与新马的经贸合作

广东在中国与东盟的贸易中占有1/3左右的份额,而对这一领域的最新研究还较少,所以有必要从广东"东盟战略"的角度研究其与东盟的两大贸易合作伙伴新加坡和马来西亚的经贸合作.本文首先分析了近年广东与东盟的经贸关系,并在此基础上探讨了如何解读和践行广东的"东盟战略".接着重点分析了广东与新马经贸合作的表现与原因,探讨这种合作对广东与新马合作的意义.最后,在结论部分提出若干促进广东"东盟战略"和推进其与新马经贸合作的建议.     

两岸经贸关系的发展与趋势

经过 2 0多年的发展 ,海峡两岸的经贸往来在各方面都取得了令人瞩目的成就 ,但由于台湾当局的限制 ,两岸经贸关系存在着明显的间接性、单向性和不平衡性。加入 WTO后 ,两岸在开放市场、减少限制上都做出了相应的努力 ,使两岸经贸关系呈现出范围扩大、程度加深和规模增加的趋势 ,同时也出现了诸如贸易争端浮现、人才争夺加剧等问题 ,并面临经济区域化加速的挑战。为了趋利避害 ,促使两岸经贸健康持续地发展 ,两岸有必要建立经济合作机制 ,实现由“功能性合作”向“机制性合作”的转变。     

Income and Wealth Inequality in Nepal, 1996 and 2004: Changes and Socio-demographic,Spatial and Economic Determinants

Micro-data from national surveys indicate that economic inequality remained high and relatively unchanged in Nepal during the middle 1990s and early 2000s. Using household income and wealth as indicators, this study finds that many of the demographic characteristics, such as age, caste, ethnicity and widowhood, determined mostly along traditional social hierarchies, play influential roles in determining inequality in much of Nepal. In urban areas and especially in Kathmandu, however, these factors have proved increasingly less influential, replacing them with such factors as migration, education and labour market participation. These changes highlight the mechanisms through which different social groups are experiencing inequality, with important implications for the much needed economic, social and political stability of the country.