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1.
Commentators have long struggled to understand state-society relations in Asia within the framework of the dominant liberal-democratic conceptualisation of civil society. This article examines the relevance of Antonio Gramsci's theory of civil society for understanding contemporary Cambodia and Vietnam, with reference to both legal and social frameworks. Such an analysis illuminates important aspects of state-society relations in Southeast Asia that tend to be overlooked by dominant liberal and Marxist perspectives. This article argues, however, that the utility of Gramsci's conception of civil society for understanding state-society relations in Cambodia and Vietnam, by retaining the notion of civil society as a realm associatively separate from the state, is limited.  相似文献   

2.
王桃 《东南亚研究》2006,(3):83-86,96
基于中越之地域与历史关系,中国学者对两国之关系虽然缺乏热情,但一直有所注意。随着近年学界对中外关系史的重视,相关研究成果也有较大的增加,然而至今尚没有总结性的文章。本文试图对过去百年来中国学者在中越关系领域的研究成果进行回顾,并找出存在的问题,希望对推进此领域的研究有所裨益。  相似文献   

3.
近期南海情势持续过去三四年来总体保持稳定的发展趋势.尽管南海岛屿声索方仍然各自不断采取种种宣示、强化岛屿主权的措施,包括计划在有争议水域与西方石油公司合作勘探开采油气资源,或修建机场跑道,或举办选举等,这些虽造成声索方之间的摩擦,但未来南海区域内发生严重武装冲突的可能性相当低.本文主要目的在于讨论近一两年来南海情势之发展.继前言后,文章第二节首先摘要介绍南海岛屿声索方在南海所采取宣示主权、强化管辖权的动作.第三节说明最近中国与东盟所提出有关处理南海问题的政治声明.第四节讨论中国在南海几个重要议题上所进行的活动现状.第五节特别针对越南在南海的经营提出观察.文章最后评估南海现状与未来走向.  相似文献   

4.
中国与印尼的渔业合作   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文主要探讨中国与印尼在渔业领域的合作现状、存在问题以及合作前景.印尼作为世界最大的岛屿国家,拥有极为丰富的渔业资源,但本国渔业资源开发能力不足.中国与印尼之间正式的渔业合作始于2001年,两国签署了<渔业合作的谅解备忘录>和<双边安排>等协议,在渔业资源开发、渔业技术和知识产权、渔业关联产业、渔业基础设施和渔业工程、渔业环境监测和保护等方面开展了卓有成效的合作.当然,两国在渔业合作过程中也发生如"福远渔132"扣押事件,但中国与印尼双方本着真诚友好、以大局为重的态度,很好地解决了这一不愉快事件.中国印尼两国领导人均充分肯定了两国在渔业方面的良好合作,并强调要在互惠互利的基础上继续加强合作,特别是在水产养殖、合作捕捞、水产品加工和储藏、海洋渔业资源保护、禁止非法捕鱼等方面的合作,中国印尼两国渔业合作仍然具有很大的合作空间和前景.  相似文献   

5.
The Justice and Development Party (or AKP) era in Turkey has witnessed the emergence of a new welfare regime resting on voluntary public and private transfers. This system has been replacing the former welfare system in which the right to social welfare benefits was constitutionally guaranteed. The new welfare system has tended to distribute transfers on a selective and unequal basis. This article analyses the size and effects of this system using a social class-based analytical framework. In explaining class structure in Turkey, we use the official Household Budget Survey database. The results indicate a massive process of proletarianisation has taken place. Our results indicate that the working classes have constituted the majority of the poor. In this environment, the shares of voluntary public and private transfers in the incomes of households have been rising. For some classes, like rural unemployed, urban unemployed and agricultural labourers, these transfers have captured a very high share of the incomes. These transfers have also been distributed very unequally. Their share in the central budget has also been rising. All these point to the emergence of a new neo-liberal welfare (poverty) regime as part of a new labour control regime.  相似文献   

6.
7.
This article explores the main characteristics of social and economic policies for young people in Turkey. Inspired by Tom Chevalier’s typology of youth welfare citizenship designed for Western European countries, the article situates Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model within a comparative perspective and contributes to the extension of Chevalier’s typology to a non-Western European country context. Relying upon the systematic analysis of findings of a nationwide survey on young people that was conducted in 2013, comparative youth statistics, official youth statistics, public expenditures data and existing policy frameworks, the article suggests that Turkey fits well with the denied youth citizenship type in Chevalier’s typology. Two conclusions are drawn with respect to Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model. First, with respect to the social citizenship dimension, the article finds that social and youth policy structure in Turkey has a familialization effect on young people’s access to income. In terms of economic citizenship, the article suggests that Turkey implements a selective strategy that results in unequal distribution of labour market skills among young people.  相似文献   

8.
日本企业加速对越南投资及越、中、泰投资环境的比较   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
迄今为止,日本企业对亚洲直接投资的头两个国家是中国和泰国.但是,近年日本企业不断加大对越南的投资力度.越南将成为继中国和泰国之后,日本企业在亚洲直接投资的最热对象国.本文结合中国、泰国的投资环境,探讨日本企业选择越南投资的原因,对其目前存在的问题进行对比研究,并展望其未来发展趋势.  相似文献   

9.
南海及其邻接周边是海上安全机制云集之地。对印度尼西亚而言,后冷战时期南海争端的凸显时值其谋求并巩固区域大国地位的关键时期。此间印尼逐渐在东南亚安全区域主义中发挥核心作用,即通过安全机制建设通联区域安全秩序内外建构,调处南海争端并建构相应安全机制成为印尼塑造区域安全能力的重要途径。文章通过对印尼独立主持的“处理南中国海潜在冲突研讨会”的案例分析,指出该安全机制对南海争端具有针对性;其形成与运作综合了印尼的国家与区域安全观,是印尼实践安全战略与政策、协调区域主义与大国角色的工具,对南海海上安全机制以及印尼建构区域安全机制起到了协同补充作用。  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

Through on-site interviewing, a comparative study has been carried out about migrant factory workers in industrialised parts of China’s Guangdong province and in Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh City. Even though China and Vietnam possess similar legacies of socialist transformation and have household registration regulations that restrict rural migrants’ access to urban social services and impede their settlement in cities, there exist marked differences in Guangdong and Ho Chi Minh City in migration patterns, factory work conditions and migrant worker family livelihoods. In particular, migrant families in Ho Chi Minh City largely stay intact and tend to settle there permanently, while married migrant workers in Guangdong normally need to split up their families and remain trapped in circular rural–urban migration. As shall be seen, the national and local governments play important roles in determining the inclusion or exclusion of migrants from urban life, the wages they are paid and their standard of living and, most important of all, their children’s access to education. Each of the two countries’ differences in implementing policies is examined and comparatively analysed.  相似文献   

11.
Based on a qualitative study of Chinese-led construction projects in Mozambique, this article explores how Chinese engagement in the construction sector affects workplace regimes. The study addresses the following set of questions: What characterises these workplace regimes, and why do the workplace regimes give rise to resentment and tension amongst Mozambican workers? Furthermore, how is labour agency constrained or enabled within these workplace regimes? The data reveals that Chinese companies in Mozambique are granted great freedom to develop workplace regimes as they see fit, characterised by functional flexibility, low pay and few benefits. Furthermore, the creation of a divided workplace, with separate workplace regimes for Chinese and Mozambican workers, exacerbates resentment amongst Mozambican workers. The Mozambican workers employ multiple strategies to express their discontent, but labour agency is constrained by weak national institutional support, and lack of alternative employment opportunities in the local labour market.  相似文献   

12.
本文通过整理越南利用2010年担任东盟轮值主席国之机,把南海问题进一步国际化的一系列举措,以及越南2010年以来试图寻求外部支持的动向,论证其试图把南海问题国际化的策略.指出越南把南海问题国际化的举措是近期中越关系深层次矛盾处于微妙变动与复杂状态的最主要也是最根本原因.越南努力把南海问题国际化是与其长期以来推行的海洋经济战略紧密相关的.  相似文献   

13.
中国与越南会计改革比较研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
会计的改革与发展始终依赖于经济环境的变化.中国与越南部是由计划经济转向市场经济的发展中国家,然而,两国的会计改革既存在许多共同点,也在国际化策略、整体规划等方面存在差异.通过总结和比较两国会计改革的历程,可得到以下有益启示:会计改革既要向国际化趋同,积极参与国际会计准则的制定,又要结合本国国情进行会计改革,同时加强新会计准则的执行监督机制.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

This article explains why Vietnam and China, one-party states that allow only one official trade union, are traversing different paths in their trade unions’ institutional structures, the state’s and trade union’s attitudes towards strikes, their willingness to allow independent trade unions and willingness to engage with the international labour union movement. These will be examined in terms of the path dependency of their recent histories, in which changes have been incremental on a path laid down by pre-existing entrenched institutions, until each national system no longer operated properly and new contingencies obliged the leadership to revamp the system. As a consequence of China’s and Vietnam’s divergent path dependencies, when external contingencies finally forced institutional change, countries have veered onto divergent trajectories – the Trans-Pacific Partnership energising Vietnam to debate the acceptance of autonomous trade unions, while Xi Jinping in China has intensified Party control over industrial relations.  相似文献   

15.
中国-印尼战略伙伴关系的现状与展望   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
温北炎 《东南亚研究》2007,(1):35-38,50
2005年中国与印尼建立战略伙伴关系,这是两国关系新的里程碑.自此,两国关系打开了新的一页,向全方位、多层次和多渠道方向发展,但经贸关系的发展仍然是两国的重点,中国将加强对印尼的直接投资.当前两国关系还存在一些障碍,印尼国内还存在排华因素,须要努力防止排华事件的发生.  相似文献   

16.
日本对华认识研究的前提是完成对概念的界定与对研究对象的分析。围绕中日邦交正常化的实现,考察日本政界、经济界、舆论媒体、学界、民界各自发生的作用,能够发现日本社会对华认识的生成路径:政界的对华政策与经济界的经济利益谋求结合形成某个时期的日本对华认识框架;舆论媒体在此框架之下展开具倾向性的宣传,使此认识框架更加明晰;在此基础上,学界的研究与其遥相呼应,推动了社会舆论的形成;信息化的发展及各层次之间的相互利益纠葛使民间团体和一般民众的社会地位日益提高。故应实现对日本社会各阶层对华认识形成的原因、过程、影响力等进行全面、综合、详尽的研究。  相似文献   

17.
越南海洋鱼类捕捞量演变特征及对中国的启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
文章通过对越南1995—2014年海洋渔业数据进行整理,运用GIS空间分析方法,对其沿海地区海洋鱼类捕捞量的演变过程进行研究。结果表明,1995—2014年间,越南海洋捕捞业呈现出迅猛发展的势头,其中北部湾沿岸省份整体增速较快;产量分布的空间差异明显,呈现出平均产量“南高北低”,平均增速“北快南慢”的发展特点;发展重心有所波动,但整体呈现出向北发展的趋势。可以判断,未来在南海地区,尤其是西沙、南沙海域的渔业资源,受到来自越南方面非法捕捞的威胁会逐渐增加,中越在上述地区爆发渔业冲突的可能性在增长。文章最后结合中国海洋渔业发展现状,从渔业合作、渔业执法和深海渔业发展等方面提出了中国的应对之策。  相似文献   

18.
This article explores the emergent racialisation of Peruvian migrants as one element conditioning the labour segregation that characterises Peruvian insertion in Chile. We understand racialisation as a process of construction of categories in which both individual and collective actors participate, and whose expression is demonstrated by the differentiation and inequality that affects the racialised group. We tackle the articulation of racial differences among individual actors, both Chilean employers and Peruvian migrant workers, to suggest that the attribution of naturalised characteristics to migrants is related to segregation, mobility, and specific trajectories in the labour market.  相似文献   

19.
2005年中国与印尼建立战略伙伴关系以来,两国关系加快向全面、稳定和高层次方向发展.但是,两国关系在经贸等方面还存在一些摩擦和障碍,需要双方加强互信去解决.如何把两国战略伙伴关系推向新阶段,需要两国政府贯彻落实相关政策与协定和专家学者的建言献策.  相似文献   

20.
越南反腐败斗争评析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
越南20世纪80年代末期开始的反腐败斗争,随着革新的深化而逐步深化并取得了一些阶段性成果,但腐败现象非但没有得到根本遏制,反而愈演愈烈。面对严峻的反腐形势,不久前召开的越共“十大”将反腐败问题提到了前所未有的高度。“十大”之后,越南的反腐败力度将进一步加大,但斗争尚未有穷期。  相似文献   

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