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Andreas Bieler 《German politics》2013,22(2):24-44
Trade unions have generally been neglected in the discussion of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the related neo-liberal restructuring of European social relations of production. This article helps to fill this gap through a comparison of British and German unions' position on EMU and European co-operation. It is demonstrated that there is a split between British transnational production sector unions, which support EMU and Europe-wide co-operation, and British national sector unions, which criticise the deflationary implications of EMU and focus on the national level in their policy-making efforts. In Germany, by contrast, EMU is generally accepted by unions with the exception of the construction workers' union. A division between internationally oriented and nationally oriented sector unions can only be identified in relation to the issue of Europe-wide co-operation, where the former are in favour and the latter reluctant. Importantly, however, unions in both countries strongly criticise neo-liberal economics, whether they support or oppose EMU. This may become the basis for a counter, neo-liberal strategy within the European Union. 相似文献
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Ralph Thaxton 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):28-40
AbstractThailand is now the linchpin in America’s Asia. As revolutionaries in Indochina continue to force a reduction of U.S. ground troops in Asia and as Washington’s commitment to Taiwan weakens, Thailand assumes increasing strategic importance for current American counterrevolutionary operations in continental Asia. This development extends a general trend which began in the early 1950s. 相似文献
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Daniel Unger 《East Asia》1993,12(3):66-88
Institutions linking state and society affect both political and economic processes. Particularly critical are those institutions
tying business and government. The effectivess of these institutions helps to determine the relative success national economies
achieve in exploiting the challenges posed by the international economy. The particular form of the institutions is a critical
factor influencing the development of a country’s political system. This article addresses in general terms the differences
between business-government ties in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand) and Northeast Asia
(South Korea, Taiwan) as well as the differences among the former group. The article then offers a more detailed analysis
of the patterns of cooperation and conflict between business and government in Tailand.
His publications includeJapan’s Emerging Global Role (author and editor) (Lynne Rienner, 1993). 相似文献
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Simelane HS 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》1995,13(2):207-226
This article describes the effects of labor migration in rural southern Swaziland. It is argued that wages from rural migration to mining areas were invested in agricultural implements such as tractors, in education of children, and in cattle. These effects are improvements in rural quality of life and involve women in agricultural production. Male labor migration in southern Swaziland contributed to progress and rural development for rich and poor families at the individual level. Community level changes from labor migration were not evident. The author does not suggest that all changes were due to labor migration or unique. Negative effects are recognized, such as life style changes or changes in social customs. It is stated that southern Swaziland benefited little post-independence from national development. The Lowveld benefitted from sugar and citrus plantations. The central region experienced development of industry and commerce. The northern region had sugar plantations and mining development. The western region established commercial forests. The south only had export labor, which was attracted to higher wages in South Africa. Data and arguments in this article pertain only to male labor migration to mining areas. The literature on development tends to associate male labor migration with underdevelopment. Women are left to plough the fields in traditional agricultural production. Evidence is presented for southern Swaziland, which showed periods of low agricultural production and poor health conditions. During the 1940s this was the case and male absence was very high. Although women had limitations, it is argued that the most important factor was unavailability of new technology. By the 1970s, women were able to hire private or government tractors for tilling the soil. 相似文献
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泰国的廉政建设与廉政文化 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
本文认为,廉政建设需要反腐机制与廉政文化的协调发展,廉政文化的缺失将使反腐机制难以发挥应有的效力。泰国廉政文化缺失的实质是在传统型廉政文化向现代型廉政文化转型过程中出现了断裂和脱节。由于政治和社会文化的转型难以一蹴而就,泰国的廉政建设的完善仍要经过漫长而艰难的发展过程。 相似文献
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泰国和马来西亚政府金融干预在保护本国金融部门发展、推动社会均衡发展方面成效显著,但在支持本国支柱产业的建设、促进工业化进程方面效果欠佳.这主要与两国金融体制的局限性和政府的社会发展政策有关.金融危机后推行的改革措施,正推动两国政府金融干预机制向更科学、更合理的方向发展. 相似文献
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The point of departure in all programmes must, to a large extent,be the kind of society evolved by the local population. Thewriter, who is now Lecturer in Anthropology at the London Schoolof Economics, spent a year in Sierra Leone in 19456 underthe auspices of the Colonical Social Science Research Council,when William Wyse Student of Trinity College, Cambridge. 相似文献
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泰国非暴力群众运动与政治转型 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
20世纪60年代以来,非暴力群众运动在泰国的政治转型中曾起到重要的作用.本文通过对典型案例的分析,从参与群体、形成原因、主导力量的角度,探讨了泰国非暴力群众运动的特点.同时指出,对于泰国非暴力群众运动而言,其形成并不必然代表普遍的民意,其进程并不必然遵从参与者的意志,其结果也并不必然符合民主的初衷. 相似文献
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