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1.
Exploring the relationship between labour and economic growth in Thailand over the past half century, the article shows that Thailand can no longer rely on an extensive growth regime based on abundant and cheap labour. We argue that Thailand is at a critical juncture and that Thailand cannot avoid shifting to an intensive growth regime based on increases of labour productivity in order to control labour costs and, unlike past regimes, seek ways to ensure that the benefits of growth are better shared.  相似文献   

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Trade unions have generally been neglected in the discussion of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the related neo-liberal restructuring of European social relations of production. This article helps to fill this gap through a comparison of British and German unions' position on EMU and European co-operation. It is demonstrated that there is a split between British transnational production sector unions, which support EMU and Europe-wide co-operation, and British national sector unions, which criticise the deflationary implications of EMU and focus on the national level in their policy-making efforts. In Germany, by contrast, EMU is generally accepted by unions with the exception of the construction workers' union. A division between internationally oriented and nationally oriented sector unions can only be identified in relation to the issue of Europe-wide co-operation, where the former are in favour and the latter reluctant. Importantly, however, unions in both countries strongly criticise neo-liberal economics, whether they support or oppose EMU. This may become the basis for a counter, neo-liberal strategy within the European Union.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Scholarly discussions of precarious work have identified and analysed the conditions and structures that produce precarity, the contextual nuances that characterise worker relations across a range of sites and sectors and the possibilities of resistance by the precariat. In these studies, workers are often discussed with inadequate attention to their social embeddedness. Taking workers’ embeddedness in social relations and norms as a starting point for analysis, this article explores a secondary aspect of precarity amongst families of exploited workers. This aspect is analysed according to three registers of vulnerability and risk: economic (household and livelihood), intimate (anxiety and negative emotional relations) and physical (mobility and movement). The article outlines this framework through a case study of trafficked fishers and their families from Cambodia and the Philippines. Human trafficking is an extreme form of precarious labour, characterised by unfreedom and hyper-exploitation. The article contributes to the understanding of the trafficking of migrant fishers, which has not seen rigorous academic documentation and is relatively poorly understood in comparison to other forms of trafficking.  相似文献   

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Daniel Unger 《East Asia》1993,12(3):66-88
Institutions linking state and society affect both political and economic processes. Particularly critical are those institutions tying business and government. The effectivess of these institutions helps to determine the relative success national economies achieve in exploiting the challenges posed by the international economy. The particular form of the institutions is a critical factor influencing the development of a country’s political system. This article addresses in general terms the differences between business-government ties in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand) and Northeast Asia (South Korea, Taiwan) as well as the differences among the former group. The article then offers a more detailed analysis of the patterns of cooperation and conflict between business and government in Tailand. His publications includeJapan’s Emerging Global Role (author and editor) (Lynne Rienner, 1993).  相似文献   

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Abstract

Thailand is now the linchpin in America’s Asia. As revolutionaries in Indochina continue to force a reduction of U.S. ground troops in Asia and as Washington’s commitment to Taiwan weakens, Thailand assumes increasing strategic importance for current American counterrevolutionary operations in continental Asia. This development extends a general trend which began in the early 1950s.  相似文献   

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纺织服装业是泰国的重要产业部门。文章介绍泰国该产业的发展历程。它经历了从保护、限制到放开、发展的过程。文章在探讨泰国纺织品和服装的进出口贸易的特点之后,指出了该产业部门所面临的主要问题以及讨论政府所采取的对策。  相似文献   

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Labour markets across industrialised countries have seen an increasing polarisation between insiders and outsiders as a result of labour market deregulation and welfare retrenchment, with governments responding to rising pressure from employers. But where are trade unions in this process of labour market deregulation and dualisation? Insider/outsider as well as producer coalition approaches portray organised labour as a structurally conservative force that is ready to prioritise the interests of insiders at the expense of those at the margins of the labour market. Rather than protecting the entire working class, unions are seen as being “complicit” in labour market dualisation that leaves an ever greater number of workers vulnerable. Our examination of the Korean case, though commonly perceived as an example of unions pursuing particularistic interests, does not comply with this image, but shows greater union inclusiveness in the face of socio-economic and socio-political challenges. Understanding the change in Korean trade union strategies, we highlight the critical importance of union identities shifting towards social movement unionism, in addition to the perceived imperative to revitalise the movement in order to remain a meaningful social force.  相似文献   

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泰国的阿卡人   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
阿卡人是泰国的一个少数民族,居住在泰国北部地区。作为泰国的一个山地民族,阿卡人有它自己独特的语言习俗和历史文化。本文拟对此作一简要论述。  相似文献   

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This article describes the effects of labor migration in rural southern Swaziland. It is argued that wages from rural migration to mining areas were invested in agricultural implements such as tractors, in education of children, and in cattle. These effects are improvements in rural quality of life and involve women in agricultural production. Male labor migration in southern Swaziland contributed to progress and rural development for rich and poor families at the individual level. Community level changes from labor migration were not evident. The author does not suggest that all changes were due to labor migration or unique. Negative effects are recognized, such as life style changes or changes in social customs. It is stated that southern Swaziland benefited little post-independence from national development. The Lowveld benefitted from sugar and citrus plantations. The central region experienced development of industry and commerce. The northern region had sugar plantations and mining development. The western region established commercial forests. The south only had export labor, which was attracted to higher wages in South Africa. Data and arguments in this article pertain only to male labor migration to mining areas. The literature on development tends to associate male labor migration with underdevelopment. Women are left to plough the fields in traditional agricultural production. Evidence is presented for southern Swaziland, which showed periods of low agricultural production and poor health conditions. During the 1940s this was the case and male absence was very high. Although women had limitations, it is argued that the most important factor was unavailability of new technology. By the 1970s, women were able to hire private or government tractors for tilling the soil.  相似文献   

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Since 2005, NGO activism, calling for greater legal protection for contract migrant workers has been the most concerted challenge to Singapore’s migrant labour regime. Despite a severely restricted civil society space, migrant labour advocacy has delivered small but significant reforms to laws covering migrant labour. The existing literature on migrant labour advocacy focuses on the importance of civil society space in determining the outcomes of organised contention. In the Singapore context, the limitations of advocacy are emphasised and explained in terms of the illiberal nature of the People’s Action Party-state and the strategies deployed by non-governmental organisations. Such an approach is limited in its explanatory potential as it only states what political spaces are not available without examining how spaces for contention are created. In contrast, this article identifies the production politics between migrant workers and their employers as crucial in influencing the extent to which spaces for non-governmental organisation contention can be carved out. Accordingly, this article argues that forms of production politics leading to worker desertion from the workplace, rather than tactical accommodation, have provided non-governmental organisations with the impetus to push forward reform agendas within an authoritarian political environment.  相似文献   

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LITTLE  K. L. 《African affairs》1948,47(186):23-31
The point of departure in all programmes must, to a large extent,be the kind of society evolved by the local population. Thewriter, who is now Lecturer in Anthropology at the London Schoolof Economics, spent a year in Sierra Leone in 1945–6 underthe auspices of the Colonical Social Science Research Council,when William Wyse Student of Trinity College, Cambridge.  相似文献   

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泰国的廉政建设与廉政文化   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本文认为,廉政建设需要反腐机制与廉政文化的协调发展,廉政文化的缺失将使反腐机制难以发挥应有的效力。泰国廉政文化缺失的实质是在传统型廉政文化向现代型廉政文化转型过程中出现了断裂和脱节。由于政治和社会文化的转型难以一蹴而就,泰国的廉政建设的完善仍要经过漫长而艰难的发展过程。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article analyses the underlying economic, social and political processes that contributed to democratic progress in the rural areas of northeast Thailand. After the 2006 military coup villagers in the region played an important role in anti-coup activities and actively demanded for democratic rule. To defend democratic rule, villagers not only opposed military intervention but also challenged elites, who they considered had masterminded the coup. The coup was a landmark change in terms of the relationship between the highest authority in Thailand and the rural masses. According to the Thai hierarchical order, villagers are regarded as inferior who must obey the elite. Any action that does not conform to this rule is considered morally wrong and to be punished. Why did rural dwellers dare to engage openly in political action that defied the hierarchical order? To comprehend such actions the article examines structural changes in Thailand’s countryside that released villagers from traditional bonds and enabled them to engage in a new form of political mobilisation. It is argued that the emergence of a democratic movement in the rural northeast is a result of two important processes: rural socio-economic transformations and political democratisation.  相似文献   

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