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John G. Gurley 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):34-50
AbstractWhile capitalist and Maoist processes of economic development have several elements in common, the differences between the two approaches are never theless many and profound. It is certainly not evident that one approach or the other is always superior, in regard either to means or to ends. What is evident, however, is that most studies by American economists of Chinese economic development are based on the assumption of capitalist superiority, and so China has been dealt with as though it were simply an underdeveloped United States — an economy that “should” develop along capitalist lines and that “should” forget all that damn foolishness about Marxism, Mao's thought, Great Leaps, and Cultural Revolutions and just get on with the job of investing the savings efficiently. This almost complete and unthinking acceptance by American economists of the view that there is no development like capitalist development has resulted in studies of China that lack insight and are generally unsatisfactory. Later on, I shall briefly examine some of these weaknesses and then suggest the types of economic studies that might be undertaken if China's development efforts are to be given serious intellectual consideration. The main portion of this paper, however, is a comparison of capitalist and Maoist development processes. 相似文献
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泰国汉语教育的过去、现在与将来 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
本文追溯了华文教育的历史发展,描述了华文教育在泰国的发展现状,揭示了其目前存在的问题。要更好地发展泰国的华文教育,笔者认为主要是依靠新科技改变传统的教育方式,使原来以教师为中心的教育体系演变成以学生为中心的教育体系。 相似文献
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Johannes Han-Yin Chang 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(1):85-105
Within 35 years after independence, Singapore is transformed into a developed city-state. To a substantial extent, this transformation may be explained in terms of the role of the Singapore state, which in part may be attributed to the regulation of certain cultural values — those reconstructed by the Singapore government under the influence of both Western and Oriental cultures. This empirical case poses a challenge to the validity of Weber's interpretation of the cultural causes of capitalistic economic development, especially his critique of Oriental cultures including Confucianism. It equally questions the adequacy of the contesting argument that highlights only the positive role of Confucianism in accounting for Asian economic change. This article proposes an alternative cultural model to transcend their limitations in explaining the economic transformation in Singapore. The inherent problems of the values of the Singapore government are also analyzed. 相似文献
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James E. Nickum 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):39-43
AbstractWe learn by comparing. Yet reality present us with few clear-cut comparisons. There are almost always mitigating factors. Nowhere is this more evident than in the comparison of economic and political systems. For example, the average citizen of the Soviet Union is poorer and politically more inhibited than a counterpart in the United States; but is this the inevitable consequence of Marxism(-Leninism), or is it because the Soviet citizen lives in a system descended from czarist serfdom, always relatively poor, always oppressed? 相似文献
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Jeremy B. Williams 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):164-179
The economic development of Singapore has been such that it is frequently cited as a model for capitalist development. One of the most striking features of the Singapore development process has been its distributional consequences. Rapid economic growth has produced remarkably equitable outcomes and the average Singaporean has had little cause for complaint — or at least until recently. This article examines the latest trends with respect to inequality in Singapore, and attempts some assessment of the policy responses and the potential for social instability. 相似文献
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Masato Hayashida 《Asia-Pacific Review》1995,2(1):161-187
The rapid pace of economic growth in Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia indicates that all three ASEAN countries are quickly becoming Newly Industrialized Economies (NIEs). Yet a close comparison of the three leads the author to conclude that there are dissimilarities in their economic development resulting from each country's unique social and economic conditions. Masato Hayashida was a senior economist in the Economic Research Division at The Mitsubishi Bank before being seconded to IIPS as a senior research fellow. 相似文献
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Frederick Z. Brown 《East Asia》1993,12(4):3-21
The three states of Indochina are engaged in the most radical economic transformation of any of the nations in Southeast Asia. Of the three countries, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, with a population of 70 million, is the most important to the market economies of Asia and the West. Although their individual situations vary greatly, the systemic reforms of all three countries emphasize decentralization and privatization, and permit market forces considerable scope in determining economic activity. They remain several decades behind most of their counterparts in the rest of Southeast Asia with respect to the standards of living of their populations and the overall development of their economies. With the end of the Cold War, they have had to redirect their external political relationships and must contemplate internal political reforms occasioned by influences accompanying a new economic orientation. In Vietnam and Laos, the Communist party is in command of the society’s fundamental decisions; it is determined to retain political control. In Cambodia, pluralism and a form of democracy are mandated by the United Nations and by the new Cambodian constitution. Over the near term, full membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be important to all three countries once their economies become compatible with the other ASEANs. 相似文献
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Daniel Unger 《East Asia》1993,12(3):66-88
Institutions linking state and society affect both political and economic processes. Particularly critical are those institutions
tying business and government. The effectivess of these institutions helps to determine the relative success national economies
achieve in exploiting the challenges posed by the international economy. The particular form of the institutions is a critical
factor influencing the development of a country’s political system. This article addresses in general terms the differences
between business-government ties in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand) and Northeast Asia
(South Korea, Taiwan) as well as the differences among the former group. The article then offers a more detailed analysis
of the patterns of cooperation and conflict between business and government in Tailand.
His publications includeJapan’s Emerging Global Role (author and editor) (Lynne Rienner, 1993). 相似文献
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Ralph Thaxton 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):28-40
AbstractThailand is now the linchpin in America’s Asia. As revolutionaries in Indochina continue to force a reduction of U.S. ground troops in Asia and as Washington’s commitment to Taiwan weakens, Thailand assumes increasing strategic importance for current American counterrevolutionary operations in continental Asia. This development extends a general trend which began in the early 1950s. 相似文献
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Mervyn Matthews 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):148-154
Mervyn Matthews, retired, was formerly Reader in Soviet Studies at the University of Surrey, Guildford. Since 1996 he has been resident for part of the year in Thailand, where he writes and pursues research interests. 相似文献