新加坡人民行动党执政模式分析

新加坡政党政治最为显著的特征是人民行动党一党长期执政.新加坡政党政治的特征和政治文明的成就,使得新加坡人民行动党成为便于借鉴和值得借鉴的执政模式.新加坡人民行动党的执政模式主要表现为:(1)一党独大、多党竞争的政党关系模式;(2)代表全国利益、反映各方意见的政党立场模式;(3)以权制权、以法治权的权力制衡模式;(4)主动"猎人"、科学选人的人才选用模式;(5)老一代主动退位让贤、新一代"自行决定"领袖的权力交接模式.     

新加坡人民行动党的执政模式及其借鉴意义

在以往的40多年里,新加坡人民行动党实施"半竞争性的政党制度",强化政府的行政功能,严格掌控新闻媒体,视人民群众为执政的基础和合法性根源,有效地加强和巩固了自身的执政党地位.人民行动党的执政经验对中国共产党的执政能力建设具有启发和借鉴意义.     

新加坡公民社会组织的兴起与治理中的合作网络

新加坡的政治文化和国家意识正在经历变迁."新加坡21远景计划"的制定反映并强化了这一变迁的趋势.这是新加坡公民社会及其组织兴起所必需的结构性因素.新加坡各类公民社会组织积极回应政治系统发生的变迁.现有组织力图淡化传统的角色功能,寻求赋予其自身新的合法性.新兴组织则利用大好机遇和可待开发的广阔社会空间努力发展自己.公民社会组织的兴起,为新加坡在稳健而又似乎缓慢的民主化进程中重新界定国家与社会的关系提供了新的路径.     

"新加坡之谜"的新解读--《新加坡人民行动党执政形态研究》述评

新加坡以其经济发达、社会稳定、政治开明闻名于世,国内外对新加坡的关注引发了解读新加坡成功之谜的浪潮,各种角度的解读方式都有,唯独从新加坡执政党--人民行动党执政模式的角度解读尚缺,而孙景峰教授的<新加坡人民行动党执政形态研究>一书在一定程度上弥补了这一缺憾."新加坡的发展离不开新加坡人民行动党",孙景峰教授系统地阐释了人民行动党的执政模式如何运作,又是如何带领新加坡走向成功的.     

Ordinary Singapore: The Decline of Singapore Exceptionalism

For decades Singapore’s ruling elite has sought to legitimate its rule by claiming to be a talented and competent elite that has made Singapore an exception among its neighbours – an exemplar of success and progress in a sea of mediocrity. In this article it is contended that this basis of legitimation has been irreversibly damaged. In essence, it is suggested that the governing People’s Action Party has lost control of the national narrative, and its achievements are increasingly regarded as being “ordinary” by the electorate. The mystique of exceptionalism, which was the basis on which the government was widely presumed to be above the need for close scrutiny and accountability, has collapsed. This collapse has substantially levelled the political playing field, at least in terms of expectations and assumptions. The government can and probably will continue to win elections and rule through its control of the instruments of institutional power, but the genie of scepticism and accountability has been released from its bottle, and it is hard to see how it can be put back in. This fundamentally changes the condition of Singapore politics: the narrative of exceptionalism is dead and the Singapore elite finds itself struggling to cope in a new and critical political environment.     

新马华文报纸话语权比较研究

本文通过对新马两国华文报纸销量、华文教育的发展等多方面的比较研究,指出新加坡华文报纸逐渐被边缘化、作用被弱化的事实.文章认为,新加坡已经失去在东南亚传播中华文化的中心地位,面对社会交流语言加速英语化的现实,华文报纸的社会地位将进一步降低.与此相反,由于马来西亚华人保留完好和系统的华文教育,华文报纸话语权非但没有被削弱,反而得到增强,马来西亚也因此取代新加坡成为在东南亚传播中华文化的中心.     

Power and Conflict in the Swiss Political Elite: An Aggregation of Existing Network Analyses

Since Kriesi's (1980) pioneering work no study has attempted to provide an overall picture of power configuration among the Swiss political elite. To fill this gap we aggregate recent network analyses carried out in various policy domains. Based on meta-hypotheses regarding the likely effects of the contextual changes that have taken place during the last thirty years, we compare the structure of the Swiss political elite existing in the 1970s to that of the last decade with respect to reputational power, collaboration and conflict. Our results suggest that important transformations have indeed occurred. Thus, both political parties and some specific state bodies could increase their power, whereas most interest groups have lost some. While the internationalization of politics has overall had the expected effects with respect to the power structure and to conflict among political parties, it did not lead to the hypothesized, new conflict among interest groups.     

The poor in Singapore: issues and options

This article examines the changing patterns of poverty in Singapore. As Singapore's population ages, the poor increasingly includes the elderly. It appears that ascribed factors, such as gender and race, have significant influence on financial security at old age. As the population ages, the adequacy of existing anti-poverty policy is challenged.     

The poor in Singapore: Issues and options

This article examines the changing patterns of poverty in Singapore. As Singapore's population ages, the poor increasingly includes the elderly. It appears that ascribed factors, such as gender and race, have significant influence on financial security at old age. As the population ages, the adequacy of existing anti-poverty policy is challenged.     

The securitization of cyberspace governance in Singapore

ABSTRACT

Drawing from securitization theory and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines how the Singaporean government has “securitized” cyberspace governance. It contributes value-add to the existing literature on securitization theory by evaluating the specific backgrounds and preexisting beliefs that securitizing actors bring with them to the securitization process. Taking the case of Singapore, this paper focuses on the military elites turned civilian politicans and policymakers that have been tasked with cyberspace governance. A discourse analysis shows how terminologies describing cyberspace as an “existential” issue and key personnel appointments with significant military backgrounds reflect the prevalance of military elites, terminologies, strategies that have become embedded within domestic cybersecurity governance structures. The use of military-style concepts such as “digital ranges” and “war games” in Singapore mirrors global financial industry trends where military-derived terminology has become widespread in preparing for cyber-attacks on critical information infrastructure. Two key focus areas of cyberspace governance are evaluated: online content regulation of Internet and social media networks, and legislation to protect critical information infrastructure. The paper concludes by discussing a range of concerns raised by the target “audience” of securitization processes, such as civil society and information infrastructure providers.     

中国入世对中新经贸关系发展的影响

近年来,中国与新加坡的经贸关系迅速发展.中国加入WTO,对中新经贸关系的发展是利大于弊.中国入世后,新加坡积极调整对华经贸战略,实施"中国策略".可以预见,中国入世后的中新经贸关系将在广度和深度上不断发展.     

从应对"9·11"看美国两党的执政方式

美国政党的执政方式是一个值得专门研究的问题.本文通过对美国政党制度特点的阐述,并在此基础上分析第107届国会与布什总统应对"9·11"恐怖袭击,建立国内安全体系的过程,借以从两大方面论证美国执政党的执政方式即同一执政党内部,执政权如何配置?分裂的政府中两党各行使哪些执政权?两个执政党如何处理相互关系?最后,本文探讨了美国政党的执政方式与民主和法治的关系.作者认为,宪法规定的民主制度需要有与之相适应的党内和党际的民主制度,才可能实现.同样,宪法规定的分权制衡制度需要有与之相适应的党内和党际分权制衡制度,才可能实在地支配立法机关与行政机关的关系.从本文所分析的应对"9·¨"的过程看,美国两党的执政方式体现了宪法所规定的民主、分权和制衡制度,这是它长期实行而不易改变的基本原因.反过来,长期以来美国宪法关于国家权力的规定能见诸实施,要归功于两党所奉行的民主、分权和制衡的执政方式.     

Institutional Suicide and Elite Coordination: The Spanish Transition Revisited

ABSTRACT

In the literature on democratisation, the Spanish case has a paradigmatic status, especially for the negotiations between the regime and the opposition. While these negotiations did stabilise the new regime, the transition was driven by the regime’s elites. The key event was the approval of the Law for Political Reform in November 1976, when the legislature voted its own demise. The change was done according to the rules of the system. To explain this reform, we offer a formal model of coordination and a statistical analysis of an original dataset of the 531 legislators. The reform was possible because of elites’ belief coordination.     

新加坡网络内容管理的经验及启示

新加坡作为世界网络互联程度最高的国家之一,在网络内容管理方面采取“三管齐下”的方针,一是实施轻触式管理制度,二是鼓励行业自律,三是加强公众教育,提高网络安全意识。近年来,随着网络应用的日益广泛,新加坡出台了《分类许可证制度》、《互联网操作规则》和《垃圾邮件控制法案》等政策法规以完善其网络管理。新加坡网络内容管理既实行严格的法律制度,也实行价值观宣传等柔性管理政策。新加坡相关政策的制定不仅符合其本国历史文化及发展实践,还随着网络的广泛应用以及政府的重视而日益完善,其成功经验值得学习和借鉴。     

新加坡廉能政府建设的经验及启示

新加坡在政府廉政建设与效率方面取得了世界公认的成绩,这也是其治理模式的最大特点。新加坡政府经验显示,狠抓廉政建设与效率是实现政府善治最有效的途径。     

New Public Management and Public Sector Reform in Victoria and New Zealand: Policy Transfer,Elite Networks and Legislative Copying*

In the early 1990s, Victoria reformed its state sector along New Public Management (NPM) lines. Drawing on interviews with key policy‐makers of the time, including chief executives, ministers and key officials from both jurisdictions, and using archival material and secondary sources, this article shows that New Zealand developments were a key source for Victoria's reforms — even down to seemingly copying passages of legislation. Policy transfer took place within a supporting framework of an Anglo‐American diffusion of NPM rhetoric and neoliberal ideas. But New Zealand's experiences gave content, form and legitimation to Victoria's reforms, while providing a platform and experience for learning and divergence, and a group of transferable experts. We underline the importance of the Australia‐New Zealand relationship and trans‐Tasman elite networks in understanding the governance of both countries.     

The limits of feminist political intervention in Singapore

This article uncovers the strongly ideological quality in Singapore's theory and practice of pragmatism. It also points to a strongly pragmatic quality in the ideological negotiations that play out within the dynamics of hegemony. In this complex relationship, the combination of ideological and pragmatic manoeuvring over the decades has resulted in the historic political dominance of the People's Action Party (PAP) government in partnership with global capital. But in an evolving, diversifying and globalising society, this manoeuvring has also engendered a number of mismatched expectations. It has also seen a greater sensitivity and attention to the inherent ideological contradictions and socio-economic inequalities that may erode what has been a relatively stable partnership between state and capital. This article argues that Singapore's one-party dominant state is the result of continuous ideological work that deploys the rhetoric of pragmatism to link the notion of Singapore's impressive success and future prospects to its ability to attract global capital. In turn, this relies on maintaining a stable political system dominated by an experienced, meritocratic and technocratic PAP government. While this Singaporean conventional wisdom has supported the political and economic interests of the state and global capital in a period of neo-liberal globalisation, its internal contradictions and external pressures have also begun to challenge its hegemonic pre-eminence.     

Singapore Inc. Goes Shopping Abroad: Profits and Pitfalls

Efficient state-led, market-driven intervention has been the hallmark of Singapore's success story but the exportability of state credibility, systemic efficiencies and local advantages into alien contexts is a matter of academic and political controversy. This article scrutinises Singapore's experience with outward investment in order to objectively examine the role of Temasek and of the government-linked corporations (GLCs). It uses the case of Temasek's investment in Thailand to reflect upon the economic and political impacts of the GLCs' global quest. It shows that resistance to Singaporean acquisitions reflects a combination of factors, including a general turn towards “economic nationalism,” attempts by other governments to replicate the city-state's state-led modernisation, and Temasek's and GLCs' underestimation of the risks that are germane to their international strategy.