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1.
韦伯一个世纪前提出的新教伦理与资本主义精神的关系在东亚资本主义发展过程中具有相当的关切性,它体现在韦伯中国命题的相关内容中.自从韦伯命题诞生以来,出现了大量研究东亚现代化的学者对韦伯命题的解释和回应,但这些观点却并不足以完全否证韦伯命题.韦伯命题中包含的合理内核依然是我们理解东亚传统文化与现代化之间关系的重要路径. 相似文献
2.
本文详细考察了1954-1960年间美国与东南亚小国柬埔寨之间的关系演变历程。独立后的柬埔寨,一度对美国怀有好感,希望通过获得美国的经济、军事援助来发展本国经济、维护国家的安全与独立。美国虽愿意对柬埔寨进行援助,但是其根本目的却是要将柬埔寨融入到美国在东南亚编织的反共体系中。随着时间的推移,双方在美援根本目标上的分歧与矛盾逐渐显露并激化。美国无法容忍柬埔寨独立、自主的中立路线,试图通过削减美援、甚至策划政变的方式改变柬埔寨的外交政策。然而,美国并未达到目标,相反使一度对美国怀有好感的柬埔寨走向自己的对立面。美柬关系的演变对研究这一时期美国与其他新兴独立的中小国家间的关系具有重要的参考和启发意义。 相似文献
3.
日本能源安全的体制保障对中国能源管理体制改革的启示 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
20世纪能源危机时期,日本制定了健全的能源安全保障体制和运行机制。同样,能源安全对我国的可持续发展及国家安全具有战略意义。通过对日本能源安全保障体制以及中国能源管理体制变革的追述和分析,试图为中国能源管理体制改革提供可行性的建议。 相似文献
4.
Marina Costa Lobo António Costa Pinto Pedro C. Magalhães 《South European society & politics》2016,21(2):163-180
AbstractOn the fortieth anniversary of the Carnation Revolution, it is pertinent to ask how Portuguese citizens understand their transition to democracy. In this article, some of the main findings concerning the meanings and legacies of 25 April 1974 are presented, drawing on the findings of two surveys focusing on Portuguese attitudes towards 25 April and fielded in 2004 and 2014, respectively, to a representative sample of the Portuguese population. Here we focus on the degree to which the transition is viewed positively and its social and economic legacies. In the final sections, the main findings of the articles in this special issue are discussed through a presentation of the main questions they answer and the new ones they raise. 相似文献
5.
Corruption is widespread throughout the former Communist states, and it is particularly severe and entrenched in Russia. Despite the fact that Russia's contemporary corruption has recently become a subject of analysis, there is, however, no study that has addressed the role of the Communist legacy in the development of various aspects of corruption. This paper contributes to the debates through, first, disentangling the complex phenomenon that is corruption, and focusing on its three aspects: supply, demand, and the attitude of the population. Second, the paper also contributes to the literature on modern corruption by explicitly focusing on the role of the historical legacy in these different aspects of corruption. The study is based on several rich data-sets on corruption and on an original data-set compiled to measure the percentage share of Communists in various regions of Russia in the last decades of the USSR (1970s–1980s). The analysis presented in the paper uncovers different roles of the Communist legacies across the development of various aspects of corruption. By doing so, the paper contributes to the literature on historical legacies in general, on Communist legacies in particular, as well as to the broader literature on the causes of corruption in transitional societies. 相似文献
6.
自党的十九届四中全会以来,有关“中国之治”的探讨业已成为学术热点。作为一种新型国家治理体系,“中国之治”的本质就在于充分发挥中国特色社会主义制度优势并转化为治理效能,不断推进国家治理现代化。制度现代化是国家治理现代化的实质与路径依赖,推进国家治理现代化,必须加强制度现代化建设,核心是确立正确的制度现代化价值取向,树立和强化制度人民化、制度民主化、制度法治化、制度公正化、制度科学化、制度合理化、制度协同化、制度公开化、制度稳定化、制度可行化等十大理念。 相似文献
7.
Matthew Blackburn 《Central Asian Survey》2019,38(2):217-236
ABSTRACTResearch into post-independence identity shifts among Kazakhstan’s Russian-speaking minorities has outlined a number of possible pathways, such as diasporization, integrated national minority status and ethnic separatism. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with young people in Almaty and Karaganda, I examine how Russian-speaking minorities identify with the state and imagine their place in a ‘soft’ or ‘hybrid’ post-Soviet authoritarian system. What is found is that Russian-speaking minorities largely accept their status beneath the Kazakh ‘elder brother’ and do not wish to identify as a ‘national minority’. Furthermore, they affirm passive loyalty to the political status quo while remaining disinterested in political representation. Russian-speaking minorities are also ambivalent towards Kazakh language promotion and anxious about the increasing presence of Kazakh-speakers in urban spaces. This article argues that two factors are central to these stances among Kazakhstan’s Russian-speaking minorities: the persistence of Soviet legacies and the effects of state discourse and policy since 1991. 相似文献
8.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(220):191-233
This article conceptualizes post-conflict violence by developing its definition, analyzing the factors which can explain it and constructing a typology of eight forms of violence. A central concern of this analysis is that there are different degrees of relation between the violence of conflicts and post-conflict violence given that some forms are fully related, while others are only partially related, and still others are completely independent of armed conflict. While general conditions of peace define post-conflict violence in a weak sense, direct legacies of war define post-conflict violence in a strong sense. The Guatemalan case study allows to identify patterns related to each form of violence at a sub-national level of analysis. 相似文献
9.
William I. Robinson 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2004,23(2):135-153
This essay examines Latin America's experience in the crisis and restructuring of world capitalism from the 1970s into the twenty‐first century, with particular emphasis on the neo‐liberal model, social conflicts and institutional quagmires that have engulfed the region, and the rise of a new resistance politics. The empirical and analytical sections look at: Latin America's changing profile in the global division of labour; the domination of speculative finance capital; the continued debt crisis, its social effects and political implications; capital–labour restructuring, the spread of informalisation and the new inequality; the passage from social explosions to institutional crises; the new popular electoral politics and the fragility of the neo‐liberal state. These issues are approached through the lens of global capitalism theory. This theory sees the turn‐of‐century global system as a new epoch in the history of world capitalism, emphasising new patterns of power and social polarisation worldwide and such concepts as a transnational accumulation, transnational capitalists and a transnational state. Finally, the essay argues that global capitalism faces a twin crisis in the early twenty‐first century, of overaccumulation and of legitimacy, and explores the prospects for social change in Latin America and worldwide. 相似文献
10.
Anders Åslund 《后苏联事务》2013,29(5):375-386
A veteran Western observer and authority on Russia's political economy examines the recent debate on economic growth in Russia. Focusing on Sergey Glazyev, a prominent statist and nationalist favored by President Vladimir Putin, who reemerged at the top of the public debate, the author discusses the essence of his ideas (state capitalism, Eurasian integration, and expansionary fiscal and monetary policy). He proceeds to analyze the critical response of liberals, citing inter alia objections to loose fiscal and monetary policies. Russia's liberal economists favor broader international integration, whereas Putin is clearly in favor of state capitalism and Eurasian integration. This study ends with an up-to-date politico-economic assessment titled “Where is Putin going?” 相似文献
11.
Claudio Robles-Ortiz 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(2):238-254
This article argues that the agrarian expansion that took place in Chile's southern frontier region after the military occupation of the Mapuche territory (1862–1883) was the first phase of the development of agrarian capitalism in the region. This process was shaped by ecological conditions. In a territory covered by forests, sharecropping with tenant labourers was crucial for land clearance in the formation of the hacienda system, when landowners needed to create fields for commercial crops. As the domestic demand for agricultural products increased, mechanisation intensified, sharecropping declined, and wage labour became dominant. Frontier capitalist agriculture expanded dramatically, and consequently the region became the breadbasket of Chile. 相似文献
12.
中俄关系史上存在五条路:丝绸之路、毛皮之路、茶叶之路、西伯利亚大铁路-中东路、中苏生命交通线。这五条路如同河流,流淌在中俄两国之间,将不同时空背景下的中俄(苏)两国串联在一起,不但关联着中俄两国的国家发展战略,而且关联着中俄两大民族、国家关系的发展战略。基于近代中国不平等条约体系,尽管有些路在某种程度上损害了中国的国家利益,对中俄关系的发展产生了一些消极作用,但整体而言,这五条路客观上分别从政治层面、经济层面、文化交流层面对中俄两国的发展战略以及两国关系的发展产生了较大的积极影响,为当下构建新时代中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系格局、顺利实践有利于全人类发展的一带一路倡议、构建人类命运共同体奠定了深厚的历史基础。 相似文献
13.
Marcos Mendoza 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(2):208-222
This article investigates the Patagonian ecotourism industry and the spatial production of gender privilege. The analysis attends to how the spatial practices of park rangers, tourism guides and climbers create a gendered space of capital accumulation that devalues and marginalises othered subjects – such as women and non-alpine men – within specific domains of nature. Developing the concept of a figuration of capital, this article argues that the ecotourism industry has facilitated the rise of an alpine masculine subject based upon key bodily values: robust physicality, a conservationist ethic and heroic narration about engaging wilderness. 相似文献
14.
ABSTRACTRecent scholarship has identified a new era of post-democracy or democratic crisis in the West, characterised by the increasing resort to authoritarian measures and the erosion of mechanisms such as representative parties and unions that link citizens and social forces with the political process. Conservative political movements, right-wing governments and populism have also emerged in the democratic states of the Asia-Pacific. The existing literature, with its focus on the crisis of social democratic institutions and forms of representative politics, provides inadequate frameworks for explaining these trends in the region. This article suggests that a better way of understanding the emergence of these new forms of political regime in Asia is to locate the origins of democratic crises in processes of global capitalist transformation and political incorporation and disincorporation. The articles in this special issue show that previously dominant modes of incorporation are fracturing under the conditions of neo-liberal capitalist transformation. In the wake of this fracturing, political elites have struggled to created new forms of political incorporation. This has inadvertently resulted in the sharpening of the conditions that give rise to political crisis. The political responses to crises have predominantly been conservative and have led to attempts to restructure the state to limit dissent and electoral competition. 相似文献
15.
Nana Okura Gagne 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(1):67-87
What have been the processes of economic restructuring occurring inside many Japanese corporations, and what neo-liberal techniques have been used on the ground since the 2000s? By placing Japanese neo-liberalism within the broader historical and socio-cultural dynamics of the ideology of “companyism” since the end of World War II, this article analyses the specific deployment of neo-liberal techniques in the Japanese workplace, and the evolving responses by both employees and management. It argues that while profit margins and efficiency were clear targets for neo-liberal reformers, the human cost of neo-liberal economising was more difficult to calculate and triggered unforeseen frictions and tensions in the workplace. As a result, corporate reforms have been mediated by the challenges emerging from various structural reforms. This article shows how both employees and management became more self-reflexive and new permutations of neo-liberal governance have emerged, highlighting both the continuities and changes in the meaning of work under the global permeation of neo-liberalism. 相似文献
16.
Vedi R. Hadiz 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):208-225
Indonesia: The Rise of Capital by Richard Robison is regarded as one of the most important books in the study of modern Indonesia. It was also a major instigator of a turn toward political economy in the scholarship on Southeast Asia, more generally in the 1980s. This introductory article to the current feature issue examines the context that made the writing of The Rise of Capital an intellectually necessary endeavour. It also explores the book's relevance to developments in three broad areas of academic debate within which the book can be situated. 相似文献
17.
新教伦理与新加坡文明 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
新加坡希冀通过倡导儒家思想复兴的行动去消除新教伦理的弊端 ,促进社会的和谐发展 ,经过十几年的努力 ,现今已取得初步成效。本文通过论述新加坡的独特文明 ,在肯定新加坡实行理性资本主义管理方式而经济实现繁荣的同时 ,对儒家思想为特征的东方文化与新教伦理在新加坡的相互影响提出了移植、兼容和趋同等观点 ,并对儒家复兴是否能引导新加坡社会走上和谐发展的道路阐述了个人的看法。 相似文献
18.
Thomas C. Buchanan 《Journal of Australian Studies》2018,42(1):85-100
Whyalla epitomised the promises of industrialism and consumerism during Australia’s Golden Age of capitalism, roughly 1945–1975. Located on South Australia’s Eyre Peninsula, Whyalla was a bustling industrial town (later a city) following the Second World War. It was home to the shipyard of Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited (BHP) and, from 1965, a steelworks. Before the war, Whyalla had been a company town, one planned and directed by BHP. Following the Second World War, it had morphed into a hybrid public–private town, albeit one that was heavily influenced by BHP, so much so that many still considered Whyalla to be a company town. Drawing from company materials, parliamentary records, oral histories, and the Whyalla News, this article argues that, together, BHP, the South Australian government, and residents conveyed and developed Whyalla to be an “Industrial Eden”. These actors forged postwar Whyalla to be a metaphor for what BHP, South Australia, and, ultimately, Australia had to offer. Whyalla represented progress, modernity, abundance, and stability. Moreover, it was presented and even accepted as a great place to live and work. For a moment, Whyalla was a capitalist utopia. 相似文献
19.
Raju J. Das 《当代亚洲杂志》2019,49(2):313-328
ABSTRACTThe right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party won India’s 2014 general election by promising development for all. Such promises have generally turned out to be empty. A recent nationwide survey shows that there is widespread disenchantment with this government. This article briefly discusses the disappointing economic and social-political record of the government. Based on empirical information from the above-mentioned survey, it then discusses how the dismal development record is registering in the minds of people who are becoming disillusioned with the government. The article also provides some general reflections on the government, including on the internal connection between government’s pro-business nature and its Hindu nationalist-sectarian character spreading religious hatred and division. 相似文献
20.
Richard Westra 《当代亚洲杂志》2015,45(4):677-692
AbstractImperialism is subject to a seemingly ever-extending conceptual elasticity. The primary concern of this article is with the adequacy of the concept of imperialism for Marxism. It is contended that a proper understanding of the concept derives from Marxian economic analysis of capitalism. Not from oblique notions of asymmetric power of states within the international order. 相似文献