Organised Labour,Dualisation and Labour Market Reform: Korean Trade Union Strategies in Economic and Social Crisis

Labour markets across industrialised countries have seen an increasing polarisation between insiders and outsiders as a result of labour market deregulation and welfare retrenchment, with governments responding to rising pressure from employers. But where are trade unions in this process of labour market deregulation and dualisation? Insider/outsider as well as producer coalition approaches portray organised labour as a structurally conservative force that is ready to prioritise the interests of insiders at the expense of those at the margins of the labour market. Rather than protecting the entire working class, unions are seen as being “complicit” in labour market dualisation that leaves an ever greater number of workers vulnerable. Our examination of the Korean case, though commonly perceived as an example of unions pursuing particularistic interests, does not comply with this image, but shows greater union inclusiveness in the face of socio-economic and socio-political challenges. Understanding the change in Korean trade union strategies, we highlight the critical importance of union identities shifting towards social movement unionism, in addition to the perceived imperative to revitalise the movement in order to remain a meaningful social force.     

建交以来中韩文学交流的回顾与展望

自1992年建交以来,中韩两国在政治、经济、文化等各方面的交流合作发展非常迅速,以作家为主导的两国文学交流,也得到迅猛发展。本文对中韩建交以来文学交流的相关情况做了一些总结和梳理,分析交流的动因和优势,探寻获得的成果和存在的问题,并对今后发展趋势做一些展望,希望对未来两国的文学交流与合作有所促进。     

经济全球化与韩国民主化：以发展战略转型为视角

自20世纪60年代实施出口导向型发展战略后,韩国被纳入国际经济体系之中,并与之同步演化。随着新自由主义意识形态主导的全球化的进一步发展,出口贸易的严重依赖使得韩国政治经济发展受到全球市场的制约与影响。本文运用相互依赖理论来分析经济全球化的发展与韩国发展战略转型之间的相关性以及韩国经济结构的变迁及其与政治转型相互型塑的发展结果。     

Trade Unions and Employment Relations in Italy during the Economic Crisis

Abstract

Many of the usual assumptions about the impact of the economic crisis on trade unions and employment relations only partially fit the Italian case. Trade unions during the crisis showed resilience both organisationally and as important actors in economic and political life. Also, the national industry level reaffirmed itself as the key level in industrial relations. Explanations of these unexpected outcomes have to do with some features of all three actors of Italian employment relations. Trade unions have become over time a relevant actor not just in the industrial relations arena but in several other spheres of Italian society and politics. As to employers, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) have tended to prefer national sectoral-level agreements and set rather low wage standards, while employers’ associations have shown an organisational interest in preserving centralised bargaining where they play a role. Finally, governments have been too weak and short-lived to follow a consistent strategy of unilateral decision-making.     

韩国与中国台湾地区的不同发展道路

韩国与台湾地区的发展道路有重要不同。韩国是“指导的资本主义”道路,倾向于追求增长效率与市场经济的规范化,培育出了私营大企业群体,从而为进一步的发展提供了动力;台湾地区则在“民生主义”意识形态指导下走的是倾向于“均富”的道路,对市场经济和私营大企业的发展持谨慎态度,结果形成以中小企业为主的“草根经济”局面,造成工业升级和技术创新的瓶颈。韩国与台湾地区在20世纪80年代后发生经济地位的转换,与它们在高增长时期所奠定的不同基础密切相关。     

韩国女性的跨国移居与劳动——以京津地区韩国女性为例

本文使用深度访谈方法,访谈了居住在北京、天津的9位韩国已婚女性,考察了跨国移居后她们的劳动情况。移居后,她们作为儿媳妇的压力和家务劳动量减少,但增加了监督保姆的劳动,在夫妻间的情感劳动方面也面临新的压力,而且子女年龄小的女性仍承担较多的照顾和教育子女的劳动。她们中有不少女性中断自己的工作来到中国,主要从事家教、教师等工作,也有一些人成为个体经营者,也有不少没有3-作的女性学习汉语等课程,为未来做准备。移居后她们更加虔诚信仰宗教,通过参加志愿者服务活动,跨出私人家庭领域,促进了韩国人社会和中国社会的和谐发展。     

东亚共同体的主导与中日韩的自身定位

伴随东亚一体化的进展,东亚各国对于东亚一体化主导权的争夺非常激烈。近年来,在东亚地区的经济增长之下,东亚共同体构想开始提上日程。对于东亚共同体的建设,东亚各国都各有其构想及自我定位。本文分析了中国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及面,临的现实挑战,梳理了由史至今日本整合东亚的历史及其失败影响,分析了韩国在东亚一体化中的自我定位及现实局限。在缺乏强有力的推动力量下,东亚一体化的未来仍应该以东盟为核心,以＂10＋3＂机制为推动力量,以开放性原则推进东亚共同体的建设。     

从《东南亚集体防务条约》看美国的南中国海政策

1954年以美国为首签署的<东南亚集体防务条约>正式把南中国海纳入美国的防御圈内;此前,南中国海位于美国在西太平洋的防线之外.之后,该条约多次被试图援引,用以对付所谓的"共产主义",实指中国在南中国海的活动.纵观20世纪50、60年代,在遏制共产主义的战略下,美国不仅试图否认中国对南中国海岛礁的主权,还坚决反对中国在南中国海采取任何行动,但放任台湾当局、菲律宾和南越等冷战盟友在南中国海的活动.     

试析新教参与韩国政治的过程及特点

宗教对韩国政治有着重要作用。解放之后,新教在政治上处于有利地位,在政治和组织化方面相对完备,美国及韩国的反共主义与对宗教的刻意扶植模糊了宗教与政治的分野。到20世纪60年代之后,宗教与政治的关系出现一定的疏远,宗教内部也出现了对立与竞争,宗教界的政治参与在各种宗教内部保守与进步势力的相互牵制下表现出各种不同的形态。在民主化时代,韩国宗教界政治参与的最大特征表现为保守阵营的大反攻,宗教界出现大范围的保守化。这种保守化的另一个发展方向就是政治势力化,各派之间组成相应的政治组织或政党,以更大限度地集中政治力量。     

把握中韩关系发展的三个层面,开启互利共赢新时代

中韩关系自建交以来飞速发展,其动力来源于双边层面上两国经贸与人文交流的迅猛发展、半岛层面上双方共识的不断扩大以及地区层面上基于东北亚局势变化两国政府的选择。习近平主席访韩为中韩关系发展提出了新的要求并提供了新的契机。未来中韩关系要想进一步保持发展势头,需要在双边层面上增强沟通与合作,半岛层面上扩大交流与共识以及地区层面共同为东北亚乃至整个亚洲提供有效的公共产品,从而开启中韩互利共赢的新时代。     

The Politics of the Minimum Wage in Hong Kong

This article provides an account of the recent introduction of a minimum wage in Hong Kong in 2011. Traditional welfare state theories had their origins in rich democracies. We refine the theoretical arguments in accordance with the semi-democratic nature of Hong Kong. We argue that the legislation was initiated reluctantly by the business-friendly government under unfavourable economic conditions. Any subsequent concessions to labour were not attributable to labour strength or political oppositions, which were very weak. Instead, multiple miscalculations by the politically dominant business side allowed the labour movement to gain limited grounds throughout the struggle. We also apply our arguments to the case of Singapore, illustrating how welfare state theories can be adapted to less democratic systems.     

关于当代日韩关系研究中的若干问题

在冷战体制下,朝鲜半岛是东西方冷战的重要舞台,因此日韩关系研究历来都是当代东亚区域关系史研究中的一大热点和难点。本文就当代日韩关系问题的国内外研究现状及存在的问题;当代日韩关系的特点及日韩会谈达成妥协的根本原因;当代日韩关系的历史分期;日韩会谈中的主要外交课题与当代日韩关系研究中的＂战后＂问题;当代日韩关系研究的学术价值和现实意义等进行了若干探讨,并提出了笔者的管见。     

Trilateral trade relations among China,Japan and South Korea: Challenges and prospects of regional economic integration

China’s emergence as a global and regional manufacturing center has significant implications for the Northeast Asian economies of Japan and South Korea. China's trade with Japan and South Korea has been rapidly growing in relative importance, largely facilitated by China's rise as a regional production base as well as changes in the trade structures between China and her neighbours. Indeed, in recent years, China has been the main driving force behind Northeast Asian trade interdependency. The strong economic linkages and complementarities among China, Japan and South Korea augur well for the further integration among the three Northeast Asian countries. Establishing a trilateral free trade arrangement (FTA) provide new opportunities to enhance the three countries’ overall growth potential through trade and investment. However, such Northeast Asian regional integration is destined to be a long, drawn out process. The forging of a trilateral trading arrangement between China and her two neighbours remain a long term vision in view of the many outstanding issues and obstacles.     

韩国宪法法院变形判决制度的形成与发展

宪法法院成立之后,韩国宪法审查制度才真正获取了生命力。这一方面归功于韩国宪政建设环境的改善,另一方面则应归功于宪法法院积极主动履行职责。变形判决制度即是韩国宪法法院汲取德国经验而作的创造性变革。变形判决是相对于原形判决而言的概念。韩国《宪法法院法》规定的“违宪”或“合宪”的判决形式可称之为原形判决;宪法法院在宪法审判实践中逐渐形成的“宪法不合致”判决、“限定合宪”和“限定违宪”判决可称为变形判决。变形判决是针对复杂多样的宪法审判对象而发展出来判决形式,适应了宪法审判的实效需求,展示了一条法律问题技术化的路径。     

At the Roots of Labour Activism: Chinese and Cambodian Garment Workers in Comparative Perspective

ABSTRACT

In China extensive, co-ordinated strikes such as those that have taken place in Cambodia in recent years remain rare, with most protests initiated by Chinese workers contained inside single factories or industrial zones. Also, while Cambodian workers often mobilise for their interests and broader policy issues, such as the determination of the minimum wage, Chinese workers largely limit themselves to protests against violations of their legal rights. How can these different patterns of labour activism be explained? Through factory gate surveys and interviews conducted during the summer of 2016 in a sample of Hong Kong-owned garment factories in Dongguan and Phnom Penh, this study provides a comparative analysis of the root causes of labour activism in China and Cambodia. In particular, the article focuses on three elements that play an important role in determining labour activism: the expectations of the workers regarding wages; the workers’ perception of the labour law and the legal system; and trade union pluralism.     

国际体系变迁与战后韩国政治发展

国际体系是国际行为体之间依据某些原则所形成的排列组合和内在联系;从层次分析出发,可将国际体系分为三个层面,全球层面、区域层面和国家层面（某些分裂国家）,韩国民主化就是在朝鲜半岛南北分裂的情况下进行的。20世纪80年代末90年代初,柏林墙倒塌、苏联解体、东欧剧变．冷战体系宣告终结,国际体系从冷战时期的两极体系逐渐转变为以美国为主的一超多强体系;在国际体系变迁的过程中,韩国的政治发展随之展开。鉴于朝鲜半岛的地缘战略地位,无论是冷战时期还是后冷战时期,韩国一直处于大国角逐的前沿阵地,政治发展过程带有明显的国际影响的特点。     

日本的香港研究综述

日本的香港研究历史悠久,近年来发展迅速。与中国内地、香港特区自身以及英美等西方国家的香港研究相比,日本的香港研究自有其特色。为便于学界对此有更多的了解,就研究主题与发表时序,逐一介绍近年日本对港研究的著作。由于日本香港研究触及香港社会的诸多议题,题材相对丰富,所以更适合就政治发展、社会经济、法律法规、文化艺术等视角逐一进行考察及综述。与此同时,也不可讳言,日本的香港研究存在种种不足,包括其对于内地与香港关系的偏见、研究取材的狭隘以及研究方法的滞后等等。从这个角度看,日本香港研究的成果值得国内学界关注,其局限也需要我们引以为戒。     

Between the street and Aso Rock*: the role of Nigerian trade unions in popular protests

The trade unions’ instrumental role in four decades of successful popular resistance against subsidy removals is widely recognised, but insufficiently understood due to inadequate consideration of the particularities of labour. The subsidy contestations are considered a barometer of Nigerian politics, and the 2012 subsidy protests – often referred as Occupy Nigeria – was one of the largest popular mobilisations in Nigerian history. Whereas unionists described the outcome as a successful demonstration of popular sovereignty, other protesters blamed the unions for unfulfilled democratic opportunities and for succumbing to bribery. With labour theoretical perspectives, this article critically examines the trade unions’ positions, actions and relations during those protests. The article demonstrates, in practice, not only how the unions’ capacities to mobilise, strike and negotiate, were instrumental to the reinstatement of the subsidy, but also how trade unions’ agency is both enabled and constrained by labour's multiple embeddedness in state, civil society and the market.     

中日韩三国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的实证研究

本文从市场占有率、贸易竞争指数、显示性比较优势指数和出口产品相似度指数等4个不同视角出发,全面考察了2000-2008年期间中日韩3国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的大小.实证结果表明,近年来我国纺织服装品在东盟市场的竞争力不断上升,同日韩两国相比,我国纺织服装品的竞争优势非常明显.本文的研究可为我国纺织行业进一步开拓东盟市场提供借鉴.     

英韩两国医疗保险制度整合过程比较研究——以行动舞台的层次关系为核心

本文从制度主义的视角,利用层次性行动舞台为核心分析概念,对1911～1948年英国与1963～2007年韩国的健康保险制度整合过程进行了比较,结论是尽管在个人层次以及国家层次上两国情况都很类似,但是其根本区别在社会层次内部以及社会层次与国家层次的互动方面的不同。韩国经办组织层次与政治层次之间形成了一个劳使政三方委员会,政府充分利用这个组织框架达成的协议实现了医疗保险体系整合,而英国的社会层次表现为相互钳制,缺乏跟政治层面的良性互动,故无法实现整合。