Whither East Asian regionalism

The 1997 financial crisis dealt a severe blow to Asia's self-confidence. In the following article, Professor Ippei Yamazawa, of the Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies at Waseda University and the Institute of Developing Economies, examines the effect of regionalism on East Asia before and after 1997. On the surface, regional trade arrangements (RTAs) would seem to repudiate the WTO's multilateral trade liberalization efforts but Yamazawa argues that if RTAs are pursued in parallel with multilateral trade talks then they would complement, rather than compete against, multilateral trade arrangements. He concludes that APEC could find itself a useful role as the intermediary between RTAs and the WTO.     

东亚意识与东亚秩序

东亚意识的内涵包括共有的价值观念和共有的利益观念.东亚意识有两个主要的功能:"我们性"的认同和东亚意识的社会化.未来东亚社会秩序的构建根本上取决于东亚意识的社会化程度、中日关系的和谐发展和美国在东亚的影响力.东亚认同还处于萌芽状态,日本在历史问题上的"清算意识"还很缺乏,美国的经济和军事实力还将在东亚长期存在.因此,可以预见,东亚意识的社会化将会经历一个曲折复杂的过程,新的东亚社会秩序也不会在短期内实现.但是一个高度认同,以中日关系、东北亚和东南亚和谐发展为特征的新的东亚社会秩序将会为未来东亚地区的和平发展带来持久的动力,因此,东亚国家应该为实现这一目标共同努力.     

试论"东亚共同体"

随着东亚区域合作的深化,"东亚共同体"提上议事日程.东亚新的分工模式的形成和贸易规模的扩大,多层次合作形式的挑战以及东亚国家对重大政治、安全问题的共识为"东亚共同体"建设打下了初步基础.对"东亚共同体"进行恰当定位、设计有效和前瞻性的组织架构将决定"东亚共同体"的成败.中国应在推动"东亚共同体"方面占先机、出先手,发挥应有的作用.     

The East Asian financial meltdown

In view of China's economic growth and rising international status, Latin American and Caribbean countries will accord increasing priority to their relations with the Asian giant. China's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council is also a factor to reckon with. Today, Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Mexico have established strategic partnerships with China. While the vast distance between China and Latin America generates difficulties in transportation and mutual understanding, it also means that both parties have no serious conflicts of strategic and political interests. Their Third World orientations in diplomacy contribute to a 95% concurrence in their votes in the United Nations. While the Chinese leadership seeks to promote multipolarity to curb US unilateralism, it appreciates its limitations in Latin America. In addition, China and the Latin American and Caribbean countries value good relations with the US. In the foreseeable future, China will increase its investment in Latin America and more Sino-Latin American business joint ventures will be formed. These trends may well reduce trade frictions associated with China's economic expansion.     

Emerging New East Asian Regionalism

East Asian regionalism is emerging starting with a process of “ASEAN plus three” cooperation and moving to a final East Asian Community. The foundation of East Asian regionalism lies in increasing regional common or shared interests. The significance of East Asian cooperation and integration is its developing process. “10?+?3” framework is not just an economic cooperation process but also has political significance. The process of East Asian cooperation plays a dual role in community building: reconciliation among the countries, and cultivation of each member itself. The major role of regional institutional building is peace making through cooperation under a regional framework. The cooperation between China and Japan is crucial for East Asian Community building.     

东亚地区主义及其发展趋势--以"10+3"合作机制为视角

本文对东亚地区主义即"10 3"合作机制的发展历程、运行机制和特点进行了概括和分析,并在此基础上结合"10 3"合作机制的最新进展预测了东亚地区主义未来的发展趋势.     

东亚合作与中韩关系

探究东亚合作首先要区分东亚、东亚合作以及东亚与东亚合作所确指的行为体三个基本概念。东亚合作本质上是一种单一的经济合作进程,在安全合作领域存在严重的不足。其前景大致包括两种,一是既有框架下的东亚合作,二是继续泛化为亚洲合作。在东亚合作的视域下,中韩经济合作与安全合作不仅有利于发展中韩战略合作伙伴关系,也有助于东亚经济合作尤其是安全合作进程的推进。     

日本与东亚经济合作

亚洲金融危机后,东亚地区出现了新的地区主义,其核心思想是在加强南北合作的基础上,在本地区建立一个开放性的、多层次的、有大国参与的多边自由贸易区.在此背景下,日本明显加快了其参与并主导东亚经济合作的步伐.日本对东亚经济合作的态度从冷漠对待到积极参与,其原因与由日本跨国企业组成的利益集团对政府制定政策的影响力不断增强有关.尽管如此,日本积极参与东亚经济合作只是出于自身利益和维系日美关系的考虑,目前还难以真正成为东亚经济合作的领导者.     

探求东亚的区域主义

近年来东亚合作发展迅速 ,但是作为东亚合作内在基础的东亚区域主义却受历史和现实因素的制约而仍处于形成阶段。本文就东亚区域主义的兴起、发展、特点、前景及对区域合作的影响进行了探讨和分析。     

论东亚一体化进程中的领导权问题

最近几年,东亚一体化的问题被提到了东亚各国领导人的议事日程,在全球化和区域经济一体化的浪潮下,东亚各国别无选择,只能加强本区域的经济合作,以促进本区域的繁荣和发展.在东亚一体化的进程中,不能不面对领导权或叫主导权的问题,这个领导权或叫主导权不是自封的,也不是别人任命的,而是在区域经济合作发展的浪潮中被各国推举出来的,她不仅要有推动本区域各国合作的主动性,而且还要有一定的奉献精神,愿意为本区域合作发展做出一定的牺牲.由于东亚地区政治、经济、文化、制度等方面的多元化,决定了该地区一体化进程中领导权问题的特殊性.     

东盟与东亚新地区主义

东亚新地区主义近年来备受关注,参加东亚合作的各方在新地区主义的发展、内涵、特征等问题上形成了各自不尽相同的观点和看法,因而对东亚新地区主义的理解也不尽相同.东盟是东亚新地区主义的一支重要力量,在推动东亚新地区主义发展方面发挥着重要的作用.深入了解东盟对东亚新地区主义的理解,对于进一步推动中国与东盟的合作,有着重要的意义.     

The South Asian revolutionary potential

Abstract

When India, Pakistan and Ceylon gained home rule more than two decades ago, their leaders set forth certain goals for their futures. Among them were control of their own political and economic destinies, increased productivity and improvements in livelihood, education and health, mixed private and state-planned economies, some cooperative institutions of production and distribution, and movement toward socio-economic equality. Land reform and industrial development were central to these goals. All three nations were to be western-style party democracies with progressively broadening franchise in elections at national, provincial and local levels.     

东亚货币合作中的美元因素

国际美元本位制使美国获得了主导东亚地区货币政策的软权力,国际美元本位制的"特里芬困境"对于东亚共同货币的构建也存在着难以避免的外部效应.东亚美元化削减了东亚货币合作的所得收益,而强势美元政策使东亚国家面对美元霸权时陷入进退两难境地,从而在一定程度上影响了东亚货币合作最终目标的实现.在东亚货币合作的过程中,一种理想化的共同货币区模式仍然需要不断的发展和完善,如何利用和应对美元的影响则是东亚国家亟待解决的一大问题.     

论东亚一体化的动力与源泉

东亚一体化的原动力之一是东南亚地区的一体化,最近几年蓬勃发展的中国-东盟合作则为东亚一体化进程增添了新的动力.冷战结束后,中国-东盟经济合作的步伐逐步加快,从发展双边的经济贸易关系开始到中国-东盟自由贸易区计划的提出和启动,为更大范围的东亚区域经济合作和一体化起到了加速器的作用.中国-东盟合作有可能成为推动整个东亚一体化进程的发动机.