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1.
Current global economic trends have rekindled interest in development alternatives. Competing socialist and green proposals for these development alternatives raise important questions about crafting institutional vehicles for the simultaneous realisation of popular empowerment, sustainability and poverty alleviation development goals. Much of the debate is about economic scale and the re-localising of production and consumption sundered by globalisation. Yet socialists and greens are fuzzy on principles of economy necessary to achieve their desired goals. To help sort out these issues this article introduces the concept of “socio-material communication” as a way of differentiating among available economic forms. It then offers a design for socialist development that is progressive, sustainable and realisable under current “really existing” conditions. It is concluded that realisation of socialist and green development goals for future human betterment requires the combining of modes of socio-material communication to meet specific development challenges, rather than seeking to impose one mode, such as economic planning or society-wide market operation, indiscriminately.  相似文献   

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This article examines the industrial climate in Taiwan as a result of environmental regulation and activism through a survey analysis of 35 petrochemical firms on the island. The research finds first that the regulatory climate is resulting in economic uncertainty among firms as to if and when to comply with regulations leading to continued pollution control mismanagement. Furthermore, the research finds that the character of much of the environmental activism is detrimental not only to further industrial development, but also to environmental protection.  相似文献   

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戴超武 《美国研究》2006,20(2):60-82
冷战时期美国对第三世界的政策,是同美国冷战战略密切相关的。肯尼迪-约翰逊时期对第三世界的外交政策完全服务于美国全球遏制战略和遏制中国的政策目标。美国在实现这些政策目标的过程中,军事反应、军事援助、经济援助等成为最重要的手段。在与苏联和中国争夺第三世界的斗争中,美国使用这些手段,反对他们认定是亲共产主义或共产主义的民族解放运动以及有关的事态发展。总体而言,肯尼迪和约翰逊的外交政策在相当程度上忽视了第三世界国家试图在战后国际体系中寻求恰当位置的努力。这一时期美国对第三世界的外交虽然有所成就,但也充满了危机、挫折、痛苦和失败,外交决策者和普通的美国人为遏制战略付出了前所未有的代价。  相似文献   

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The recent critique and outright dismissal of the concept and practice of secularism has not been informed by sustained historical and sociological analysis of Indian society. Critics of secularism have taken their theoretical and Indological abstractions too seriously and have paid scant attention to the complex relationship between ideologies and changing social structures and institutions. Their one-dimensional focus on religion per se has obscured the structural similarities between communal violence and other types of sectarian and ethnic conflicts.

To accept the ideology of secularism is to accept the ideologies of progress and modernity as the new justification of domination, and the use of violence to achieve and sustain ideologies as the new opiates of the masses (Ashis Nandy, 1988:192).

The principle of secularism basically demands symmetric treatment of different religious communities in politics and in the affairs of the state. It is not obvious why such symmetric treatment must somehow involve “the use of violence to achieve and sustain ideologies as the new opiates of the masses”…. There are good reasons to resist the contrary enticements that have been so plentifully offered recently. The winter of our discontent might not be giving away, right now, to a glorious summer, but the abandonment of secularism would make things far more wintry than they currently are (Amartya Sen, 1996:37–43).  相似文献   

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This paper surveys some of the outstanding issues and changes in the economic dimension of Soviet involvement in the non-communist Third World over the last 30 years. It attempts to identify and integrate salient features of current knowledge about Soviet economic policy toward the less developed countries. After a survey of the evolution of Soviet arms transfers and economic aid and trade relations, the paper concludes with some reflections on the effectiveness of Soviet policy and prospects for future change. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 124, 420.  相似文献   

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China's increasing military expenditures are often cited as a main cause of concern for China's neighbors. The fact that China's military buildup has not been limited to conventional forces — it has been developing a nuclear arsenal since the early 1970s —exponentially increases the unease felt by other nations in East Asia. Shigeo Hiramatsu, professor of China Studies at Kyorin University, here explores China's advancing nuclear arms program and the issue of arms transfers to the Third World.  相似文献   

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This article looks at collective memory formation—the study of monuments, memory, and public space—through a political science lens. An explicit theoretical focus on power relations in "monumental politics" and a methodological approach featuring large-N comparative analysis are combined to examine the process of monument creation, destruction, and alteration. Using a new database on monuments in 26 post-communist states over a 25-year period, patterns of monument transformation are identified, and official and private efforts to transform monuments are systematically compared across different regime types. The complex implications of private provision and alteration of monuments is also discussed.  相似文献   

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国际货币权力的历史经验与第三世界货币区的可能性   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
通过对已有货币国际化历史进程的回顾与分析,本文总结了国际货币权力更迭的一般规律,并得出人民币国际化有必要夯实区域基础等基本结论。研究发现,除亚洲之外,非洲、拉美的一些国家和地区与中国在贸易投资等方面有紧密的联系,甚至存在对中国的不对称依赖。这些区域均具备推行人民币国际化的器物基础和一定的制度基础,人民币区域化的视野应当超越亚洲一隅,兼具亚洲特色和世界器局。最后,本文提出并初步论述了指向第三世界货币区的人民币区域化路线图。  相似文献   

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牛可 《美国研究》2007,21(1):34-56
自由国际主义(liberal internationalism)是战后美国对外政策的基本"性格",它内在地要求生成美国主导的全球变迁的方案,特别是一个以援助和发展政策为核心的系统的第三世界政策,这是现代化理论运动在美国兴起的基本动力和历史条件。自由国际主义在冷战初期曾受到现实主义的有效抑制,一度延缓和削弱了美国对第三世界的重视及其对援助和发展政策的建构,现代化理论的政策效应即在于改变这种局面。现代化理论秉持自由国际主义并认同民主党自由主义,反映了美国自由主义演进的阶段性历史特征,又在很大程度上塑造了肯尼迪、约翰逊两届政府对第三世界的政策。  相似文献   

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Abstract

Third World tourism continues to expand apace. The tourism industry's promotional materials are replete with images of a “frontier” industry, new vistas of “paradise,” “virgin” beaches, and “untouched” landscapes. Indeed, the imagery is that of exploration, conquest, and domination. For the people of the Third World, whose natural, human, and cultural resources provide the raw material for this industry, this is no imagery, it is reality.  相似文献   

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Taomo Zhou 《亚洲研究》2019,51(2):166-197
ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.  相似文献   

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Accounts of the “new regionalism” two decades ago identified a growing trend towards co-ordinated state action at the regional level in pursuit of both security and political economy concerns – new in terms of its “bottom-up” character, post-Cold War logic, heterogeneous focus, and relation to globalisation. More recently, proponents of “regulatory regionalism” have suggested that regional projects reshape and transform states themselves. This article identifies an emerging “world market regionalism,” within which regions are addressed in terms of their position within the world market, and regional projects are strategically oriented towards the “completion of the world market” in its dual aspect as expansion of trade and transformation of social relations of production. The focus is on the purposive transformation of the region in pursuit of global competitiveness. A detailed account is given of such a project of world market regionalism developed over the last two decades at the Asian Development Bank. It is aimed at transforming the region, and individual states within it, into a space contributory to a wider global project aimed at “completing the world market” and transforming both the social relations of production and individual attitudes and behaviour.  相似文献   

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东亚金融危机是在一个不断变化中的世界经济环境中发生的,其中有3 个因素有助于我们对这次危机的成因的理解,它们是:经济的全球化,知识经济的兴起,市场体制的普及。从而,如何解决这一危机也应从上述3 个方面寻找答案  相似文献   

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