科学:理性还是信仰

什么是科学？它是一种理性还是一种信仰？在当今社会,科学正处在一个高高在上的位置。似乎可以说,科学成了一种信仰。然而说科学是一种信仰,并没有要贬低科学的价值,也不是要抹杀掉科学所带来的积极影响,而只是说,科学不该受到这样待遇,不能独占鳌头。科学只是人类文化中的一部分,它与其他知识体系具有同样的地位。人是需要信仰的,但是不能盲目地去信仰,所以我们可以以理性为基础去信仰。信仰和理性不是完全割裂开来的,信仰寻求理性的理解,理性也从信仰中获得支撑。二者之间具有合力也有张力。而对于科学的信仰,就可以认为是理性与信仰合力作用的结果之一。     

Fast thinking: Implications for democratic politics

A major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time‐poor position of many citizens suggests that ‘fast’, intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of demographic profiles, fast thinking about how politics works is stimulated and followed by a more reflective and collectively deliberative form of slow thinking among the same participants. A strong trajectory emerges consistently in all groups in that in fast thinking mode participants are noticeably more negative and dismissive about the workings of politics than when in slow thinking mode. A fast thinking focus among citizens may be good enough to underwrite mainstream political exchange, but at the cost of supporting a general negativity about politics and the way it works. Yet breaking the cycle of fast thinking – as advocated by deliberation theorists – might not be straightforward because of the grip of fast thinking. The fast/slow thinking distinction, if carefully used, offers valuable new insight into political science.     

Re-centring British Government: Beliefs, Traditions and Dilemmas in Political Science

Bevir and Rhodes have offered a useful addition to the tools of political scientists by developing an interpretivist approach to political science. Interpretation is a crucial mechanism for understanding the social world but one that has been underused in political analysis. This article welcomes Bevir and Rhodes' emphasis on interpretivism but suggests that there are a number of problems in the way they use the approach. In particular: they use a narrow definition of interpretivism; they caricature the nature of existing work in political science; the concept of tradition does too much work; and they pay insufficient attention to power and power relations.     

The conscience of a fugitive: sheldon wolin and the prospects for radical democracy

Amidst increasing and seemingly intransigent inequalities, unresponsive institutions, and illegible patterns of social change, political theorists are increasingly faced with questions about the viability of democracy in the contemporary age. One of the most prominent voices within this conversation has been that of Sheldon Wolin. Wolin has famously argued that democracy is a ‘fugitive’ experience with an inherently temporary character. Critics have pounced on this concept, rejecting it as an admission of defeat or despair that is at odds with the formation of democratic counter-power. In this article, I push back against this view of fugitive democracy. I do so by contextualizing the idea within Wolin’s broader democratic theory, and especially his idea of the ‘multiple civic self’, in order to give a more coherent form to a conception of citizenship often concealed by the attention given to the supposedly momentary nature of democracy. This all too common misreading of fugitive democracy has significant stakes, because it shapes not only how we approach Wolin’s impact as a political theorist, but also how we approach practices of democratic citizenship and how we think about political theory and political science’s relationship to those practices.     

The Obama Administration's Challenges after the “War on Science”: Reforming Staffing Practices and Protecting Scientific Integrity in the Executive Branch

In this article, we examine the difficult leadership position President Barack Obama inherited as he took office with respect to science and technology policy making and implementation, particularly following the Bush administration and years of the so‐called “war on science.” We contend that the Obama administration's challenge is not only to take substantive policy action, but also to reform certain administrative practices, particularly in light of the previous administration's practice of the politics of strategic vacancies, a managerial technique that rearranges an agency's ideological inclinations not through the usual forms of active politicization (i.e., by filling the appointee ranks with like‐minded ideologues) but instead by “starving” the agency of staff and co‐opting its agenda that way.     

Paths between Positivism and Interpretivism: An Appraisal of Hay's Via Media

Hay's Political Analysis raises foundational issues for all social scientists, not least in its outline for a via media , or middle way, between positivist and interpretivist social science. In this view, social science should be firmly grounded in empirical study but take seriously the notion that there is no privileged vantage point from which to generate dispassionate knowledge claims about the social world. This article asks whether this apparent via media is coherent and meaningfully captures what it means to be doing positivist and interpretivist social science without, so to speak, conceding too much ground to the other approach.     

“科学”的价值诉求在现代中国的转型

“：科学”一词引入中国之初，就被视为一种价值体系，被赋予价值维度的理解。在“科学救国——科学兴国——科学发展”的转换过程中“，科学”更多地承载了立国、兴国、强国的使命，展示出其价值诉求的转型历程。这种价值维度的梳理为当前科学发展道路的理念确立和价值选择提供了历史的和逻辑的依据。     

关于科学精神与人文精神结合的思考

伴随着社会的发展、科技的进步,人社会科学正在得到长足的发展。科学技术的人价值也正在随着科学的发展和技术的转化而凸现出来,成为当今时代的一大特征。本力图从学理上对自然科学、社会科学与人科学的划分与整合进行尽可能详细的描述,肯定了知识系统中不同知识门类的发展、演化和交叉、融合过程;并通过科学精神与人精神相互结合、不可或缺的实证分析,给人们以启迪、摒弃知识门类偏见,迎接一个科学精神与人精神交融统一的世纪。     

从归纳法的向度审视中国为何无科学--任鸿隽科学观探微

有很多学者讨论过"中国为何无科学"这一问题,答案各不相同.梁漱溟、冯友兰、胡适等人代表了人文学科的学者对这一问题的看法,有隔靴搔痒之感.比较而言,任鸿隽等自然科学家的看法,值得引起我们的高度重视.任鸿隽等人的基本看法是:中国之所以没有科学,最主要的原因是归纳方法从来没有在中国得到过发展;归纳方法是科学方法的实质,归纳方法就是科学方法;要在中国发展科学,就必须首先提倡和宣传归纳方法.     

Stand Above Reality Look Over It——0n the Symbiosis of Chinese Culture and Science Fiction

This article presents both traditional Confucian vision of the human living and the new trend in the late development of science fiction criticism.It concludes that science fiction is a powerful tool to reconsider our human society,and only under this presupposition can we find a suitable way for the development of science fiction in Confucian China.     

Principal–Agent Analysis and Pathological Delegation: The (Almost) Untold Story

Principal–agent (PA) has come a long way since it was introduced to the political science sphere. Nowadays, PA has established itself as an institutional midrange theoretical framework that encompasses various methodological as well as theoretical approaches. This article argues, however, that scholars still assume, a priori, that the agent is an opportunistic and disloyal actor. This article seeks to question this theoretical assumption by demonstrating how principals could be as much problematic as their agents, a phenomenon that it terms “pathological delegation.” In so doing, it offers a first analysis of the small strand of the literature that examines problems embedded in the principals' side as well as provides new empirical evidence in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Finally, the article posits that scholars should not treat pathological delegation as an anomaly but rather attempt to integrate, test, and develop new theoretical assumptions on this phenomenon.     

The Emergence of Science as a Political Brand

This article seeks to explain how science has emerged as political brand. While science and politics have intersected for centuries, more recent social, cultural, and political events led to increased attention to the role of science in everyday life and how science is used in policy decision-making. This led to a tipping point in 2017 when the March for Science was formed, following what many in the U.S. and countries around the world viewed as anti-science stances by political leaders. The political spectacle of the March for Science not only brought increased attention to the scientific community, but also emerged to define the brand of science in society. Drawing on research from the role of brands in consumer culture – including political marketing, brand resonance, and brand community – I describe the implications of the science brand for the scientific enterprise, and the ways in which the scientific community consider the strategic communication of their brand within the political marketplace.     

In Defence of Associative Political Obligations: Part One

Part One of this article seeks to defend the idea of associative political obligations against a number of criticisms that have been advanced opposing it. The purpose of this defence is not to demonstrate that the associative account is therefore the best explanation of political obligations, but only that the principal reasons which have been given for rejecting it are much less compelling than its critics maintain. The argument focuses in particular on the various criticisms advanced by A. John Simmons. Two general lines of defence figure especially prominently. First, it is shown how many of the criticisms in one way or another ultimately rest on the assumption that political obligations must be voluntarily acquired, when it is just this assumption that is contested by an associative account. Secondly, it rebuts the charge that the idea of associative obligations faces a particular problem because it entails the view that members must have obligations to associations or groups that are evil. While it is not claimed that the idea of associative political obligations is entirely without difficulties, it is contended that stories of its demise are greatly exaggerated, and in this respect the ground is laid for Part Two of the article, which sketches a particular account of associative political obligations.     

“科学发展观”中的“科学”特质

科学发展观是马克思主义中国化最新理论成果。在发展观前冠以"科学"作为特征,表达了对于科学的重视。科学的什么特质是在发展过程中应该借鉴的呢?一方面,科学的目的之一是为人类谋福祉,这与科学发展观的核心是一致的。另一方面,科学的"系统"研究的模式也可以为科学发展观思想提出借鉴。科学发展观的提出仅几年的时间,而科学理论已经有几千年的历史。只有借鉴成功理论的可取之处,科学发展观理论才能不断完善。     

社会科学是否遗忘了“正当”问题——评列奥·斯特劳斯的《自然权利与历史》

德国历史主义主导的社会科学,遗忘了对"正当"问题的思考,因而对当代社会的虚无主义与道德沦丧负有不可推卸的责任,这是列奥.斯特劳斯批判社会科学的基本立场。这篇文章试图检讨这种批判的得失,并认为社会科学,就其本义而言,恰恰是通过"倒置"自然法学说的推理逻辑,为个人的自我治理与社会秩序的建设提供知性的支持。社会科学是作为科学,而不是作为意识形态的道德褒贬,来承当"应然"与"实然"之间的中间桥梁的任务。     

Political science,political ideas and rhetoric

The article reviews ‘ideational’ analysis and theory in political science. It argues that this is an important area of research limited by lack of a clear sense of what ideas in politics are and of how to analyse them as directly as possible. It is argued that political science should learn from the ‘rhetorical turn’ in various areas of the social sciences, developing ways, appropriate to political science, of analysing the language, rhetoric and argumentation of political and policy discourse in its governmental contexts. Such an approach rests on a strong sense of the dynamic, contested and creative nature of political activity.     

The House of Lords: A Deliberative Democratic Defence

This article defends the idea of an appointed House of Lords using deliberative democratic theory. The analysis suggests that while one might well think that current appointment procedures leave much to be desired, a reformed but still appointed House of Lords would be better at maximising the deliberative democratic qualities of inclusiveness and the scrutiny of arguments than a fully elected one; indeed, that election might do actual damage. It suggests that the debate thus far has been focused too narrowly on an outdated account of democracy, and too narrowly on the peculiarities of the House of Lords in isolation from its institutional context.     

ASEAN’s inheritance: the regionalization of Southeast Asia, 1941–61

This article explores the establishment of Southeast Asia as a regional space in the international system before the advent of ASEAN. It challenges the traditional view that the region emerged from Japanese and Allied strategies and operations during the Second World War, focusing instead upon the important role played by academics in the creation of ‘Southeast Asian studies’ in the United States and Britain in the 1940s and 1950s. On a broader level, the article highlights the cyclical nature of the regionalization process. It suggests that once a region has been ‘created’, the repeated use of the regional idea by a variety of state and non-state actors fixes it in a broad cultural context, and opens the way for subsequent appropriation by regionalizers.     

科学民主化:食品安全规制中的公众参与

如何提升政府应对风险、保障公众健康的能力成为学界与政策实务界的讨论热点。在食品、环境与健康领域的风险规制中,充分保障公共利益似乎尤为困难。因为多种情况之下,风险规制的依据是专家的科学知识,结果仍然会引起公众对于行政政策以及专家的不信任。对此,在行政决策中平衡科学与公众参与两种力量日益重要,即"科学"民主化的问题,既强调专家的作用,又要使之与公众交流沟通。科学民主化事实上是公众参与的制度化,关于这一问题的研究对中国行政法的发展意义重大。     

On prediction in political science

This article discusses recent moves in political science that emphasise predicting future events rather than theoretically explaining past ones or understanding empirical generalisations. Two types of prediction are defined: pragmatic, and scientific. The main aim of political science is explanation, which requires scientific prediction. Scientific prediction does not necessarily entail pragmatic prediction nor does it necessarily refer to the future, though both are desiderata for political science. Pragmatic prediction is not necessarily explanatory, and emphasising pragmatic prediction will lead to disappointment, as it will not always help in understanding how to intervene to change future outcomes, and policy makers are likely to be disappointed by its time-scale.