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1.
西方对中国发展中国家地位的认知   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着中国在国际经济和政治领域地位的凸显,西方开始质疑中国的发展中国家地位。西方这种错误认知的主要原因,一方面是缘于发展中国家概念的模糊与狭义化趋势,另一方面是以此要求中国在国际上承担更多的责任。  相似文献   

2.
随着中国的发展,中国形象在西方正在发生变化。西方观察中国的视角更加多元,中国形象趋向立体,增添了一些理性的元素。但是,西方国家的中国观仍然折射出深刻的意识形态偏见,严重阻碍了西方国家对中国形成符合事实的认识。这些片面的认知和不公正的价值评判使中国形象蒙尘。因此,随着国家文化软实力建设被提升至战略高度,在国际上营造中国和平、发展、合作的良好形象是未来外交工作的重要内容。  相似文献   

3.
自近代以来,西方通过制度创新、商业扩张和武力征服逐渐建立起在现代国际体系中的中心地位。五百年来,西方的中心地位经历了从欧洲阶段向美国阶段的转移,并承受着持续不断的内部斗争和分裂。冷战的结束再一次确立了西方在国际结构中的中心地位,却因美国的政策错误和西方的内部问题受到削弱。更为重要的是,非西方世界经过近百年痛苦地学习和适应后积累了相当的现代化知识。伴随着非西方世界的兴起,西方的中心地位不可避免地出现了衰落。未来的国际格局走向取决于西方的自我调适、非西方世界的发展态势以及西方与非西方能否实现权力共享。  相似文献   

4.
西方对非援助的教训及借鉴意义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一些西方学者曾找出西方援非的教训,值得中国吸取。包括应避免受援国对援助的依赖;不能破坏受援国的发展意愿和发展能力;应开展援助、贸易、投资等各种经济合作形式有机结合的"大援助"。我国应坚守"不干涉内政"和重点面向受援国人民的大原则。  相似文献   

5.
王南 《亚非纵横》2011,(5):25-29
西亚北非发生变局,对相关国家和地区局势发生了巨大和深刻的影响,并对以西方为主导的现有国际秩序产生冲击。而今变局仍在持续、变化和发展之中。国际社会一直对此予以高度关注。有关变局对于相关各方造成的影响,也是值得各方关心和热议的话题。变局将对西方产生何种影响?本文认为应从西方的主要利益关切、西方所依托的主要势力、西方应对变局的做法及效果等方面,加以观察和评判。  相似文献   

6.
西方国家的强势介入以及对危机的解读和应对,是达尔富尔危机持续升级的最主要外因。这些因素从对内层面看主要有三点,即西方国家曾在非洲殖民侵略的原罪心结;政府回应国内人权、宗教组织的压力;执政党对国内政治选举的策略考虑。从对外视角看,西方国家促使达尔富尔危机升级的主要考虑,既隐含攫取苏丹石油资源的利益冲动,也蕴含打压中国和平发展、维护旧国际秩序的战略考虑。从达尔富尔危机的事态发展来看,西方国家对危机的解读和应对方式已经显现出其内在限度,有时甚至起了阻碍达尔富尔危机解决进程的负面作用。  相似文献   

7.
西方国有企业发展与改革历程及其对我国的借鉴意义   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
现代国有企业在西方国家从产生到发展已经有几十年的历史。西方国有企业的兴衰起伏 ,与资本主义的发展阶段密切相关 ,同时证明了在私有制为基础的资本主义国家 ,国有企业也有生存空间。西方国有企业的改革实践表明 :更好地承担公共职能和实现市场化是国企改革的两大主要目标 ;股份制改造和创造良好的竞争环境 ,是国企改革的主要路径。  相似文献   

8.
俄罗斯思想中的反西方主义,其对立面是俄罗斯思想中的西方主义。它缘起于19世纪30-40年代的西方派与斯拉夫派之争,主要代表是与西方派激烈辩论的斯拉夫派。反西方主义最初反对的是西方派崇尚的欧洲中心论、欧洲文明一流论、欧洲道路先进论,简言之,就是反对欧化改革、反对抛弃传统文化、反对迷恋欧洲文明。然而随着历史的发展和地缘政治格局的变化,俄罗斯民族和国家认同中的“西方”概念发生了变化,范围扩大到包括欧洲和美国在内的整个西方世界。反西方主义的内容也随之延展,从最初的"反欧洲"逐渐演变到了后来的“反欧美”,并且由思想文化领域转移到了地缘政治领域,从反欧化改革、反欧洲道路变成了反政治干涉、反经济制裁、反军事扩张、反意识形态斗争,从一种纯粹的思想争论演变成了付诸行动的政治博弈。  相似文献   

9.
西方国家对缅甸的制裁措施   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
自1988年9月军人政权上台以来,缅甸受到西方国家的长期制裁。对缅甸实施过制裁的国家和国际组织包括美国、欧盟(英国、法国、德国等还有单独的制裁措施)、加拿大、澳大利亚、日本以及国际货币基金组织(IMF)、世界银行(WB)、亚洲开发银行(ADB)等,后来日本很快放弃了对缅制裁,只有美国和欧盟以及加拿大等国长期坚持对缅进行制裁,尤其是美国的制裁随着缅甸局势的发展而日趋强硬和具体,针对性很强。  相似文献   

10.
中非友谊源远流长,近些年中非双方互利双赢的经贸合作进一步促进了中非友谊的发展。西方学者从冷战思维出发,对中国非洲政策与实践产生误读,所谓“新殖民主义”、“中国威胁”等鼓噪不休。对此,我们应在理论和实践上积极应对,正本清源,使中非友谊不断得以加强。  相似文献   

11.
Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mid-2003. This article explains the support by means of variables extracted from cultural, instrumental and sociological approaches. Drawn from the cultural approach, ‘post-materialistic activism’ and low levels of ‘respect for authority’ are found to be most powerful in explaining mass support, among all explanatory variables. Since culture seldom changes overnight, popular support for democracy may be sustained in the short and medium term. The calculation of the economic consequences for democracy, a variable drawn from the instrumental approach, has no effect on mass support. Thus, any attempt to suppress popular demand for democracy by offering economic sweeteners alone may prove futile. The most important instrumental factor among the public is ‘their confidence in political parties’. Whether pan-democratic parties can elevate such confidence becomes pivotal to boosting and sustaining this support. The lack of relatively stronger support among the younger and more educated stratum of people in Hong Kong does not bode well for prospects of increased mass support in the future. Finally, the article offers a small footnote on the implications for the ‘Asian values’ debate.  相似文献   

12.
本文探讨越南语外来词的概念,越南语与西方各语言的接触,并从词汇的角度探讨越南语中西方外来词以及越南语对西方外来词的越化现象。  相似文献   

13.
The 2011 protest wave, encompassing the Arab Spring revolutions, the Indignados movement in Spain and Greece, and the Occupy Wall Street movement has often been described as a new global protest cycle. However, the dynamics of diffusion suggest a more complex picture. Transmission of protest frames and repertoires from one country and cultural region to another was quite slow and tortuous. Moreover, adoption of the new ideas and practices of protest spawned by the protest wave of 2011 involved laborious dynamics of cultural translation and domestication. This situation points to the continuing importance of local protest cultures and cultural contexts, in addition to channels of transmission, even in an era of instantaneous communication technologies.  相似文献   

14.
近代东亚三国西学成因及其比较   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
李虎 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(1):120-127
对东西文化关系问题上的不同立场而衍生出来的近代文化融合体,亦称近代东亚三国西学。其主流文化融合体在中国表现为“中体西用”;而在朝鲜与日本分别表现为“东道西器”和“和魂洋才”。近代三国西学形成,虽说在形式上存在着诸多相似之处,但因三国社会历史条件等诸多因素的差异,使得近代东亚三国西学又在内容上呈现出很多不同的特点。这主要体现在三国近代形成的文化融合体中的西学份量及其对传统的反思。  相似文献   

15.
本文对近现代北部湾沿海西式教堂建筑的历史背景、研究现状、建筑特点等进行论述。主要选取北部湾沿海地区几个具有历史价值、研究价值的西式教堂建筑进行实例调研,并作比较分析与论证。  相似文献   

16.
刘军 《东南亚》2009,(4):76-79
“9·11”事件以来,反恐战争背景下的美国及其西方盟友对于巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的指责声日益上升:宗教学校沦为恐怖组织、培养恐怖分子、资助恐怖组织以及传播极端主义思想。本文分析西方国家对巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的歪曲与污蔑,探讨其原因和动机并展望巴基斯坦伊斯兰宗教学校的前景。  相似文献   

17.
This article investigates the impact of international efforts to cultivate effective and authoritative local governing institutions in the Western Balkans, a prime testing ground for democratization aid to post-war states. It explores three hypotheses, each of which argues that a particular approach of international actors toward domestic officials best improves the quality of local governance. The study's gathering of interview and survey data from field-based actors enables it to evaluate local government reforms' impact on domestic communities. This investigation arrives at three findings. First, in the view of Western Balkan peoples, local governance reforms do not produce benefits when they are either imposed or ignored by international authorities. Secondly, reforms produce benefits for local communities when they are designed to meet domestic concerns. More specifically, reforms valued by local communities are designed in ways that respond to domestic, rather than international, concepts of good local governance that emphasize socioeconomic aspects and produce tangible benefits. Well designed reforms also include significant aid targeting local governance that is coupled with the promise of a larger political settlement that is attractive to powerful domestic elites and contingent on clearly articulated local governance reforms. Thirdly, such aid best characterises European Union efforts only in Macedonia.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions have increased substantially in number, functions and geographic spread since their inception in 2003. Despite their expansion in numbers and scope, especially in the Western Balkans, few systematic assessments of the contributions that CSDP missions make to peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken to date. This article addresses that lacuna by assessing the contributions CSDP missions have made in recent years to peacekeeping and peacebuilding in the Western Balkans. It explores whether CSDP missions in that region: make an intrinsic contribution to peacekeeping and peacebuilding in those countries or merely profit (or take credit) from the initial groundwork laid by United Nations (UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) missions; are adequately coordinated within the European Union (EU) and between the EU and other international organisations, including NATO; are sufficiently embedded or effectively linked to other EU instruments, such as the Stability and Association Process to the Western Balkans; and engender adequate elite or public support or ‘ownership’ in these countries.  相似文献   

19.
This study highlights the role that critical events play in the demobilization of protest campaigns. Social movement scholars suggest that protest campaigns demobilize as a consequence of polarization within the campaign or the cooptation of the campaign leaders. I offer critical events as an alternative causal mechanism and argue that protest campaigns in ethnically divided societies are particularly combustible, as they have the potential to trigger unintended or unorchestrated communal violence. When such violence occurs, elite strategies change, mass support declines, and the campaign demobilizes. An empirical investigation of the dynamics of the demobilization phase of the anti-foreigner protest campaign in Assam, India, between 1979 and 1985 confirms this argument. A single group analysis is conducted to compare the dynamics of the campaign before and after the communal violence by using time series event data collected from The Indian Express, a national newspaper. The study has wider implications for the literature on collective action, as it illuminates the dynamic and complex nature of protest campaigns.  相似文献   

20.
西方国家对缅甸实施长期经济制裁,深刻影响了缅甸的经济发展。2011年3月,缅甸新政府执政以来,采取了一系列政治经济改革举措,得到国际社会普遍认可,也促使西方国家放宽对缅甸的经济制裁。在此背景下,缅甸未来经济发展潜力巨大,但也面临诸多问题和挑战。  相似文献   

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