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1.
This paper is a review of the interdisciplinary literature examining ideological influences which have helped to shape population control policy in recent decades. A powerful critique of what has become a top-down, ethnocentric approach towards a narrowly focused policy has emerged both from scholars within the Third World itself and from those in the more developed regions. Concerns with issues such as outside intervention in national sovereignty, ethical aspects associated with the implementation of fertility control programmes, the exclusion of Third World scholars from research programmes within their own countries, and the unwillingness of programmes to consider complex social and cultural dimensions of high fertility, are among those which this literature has raised. The role of professional demographers, as part of the population establishment network within the USA, in providing respectable justification for questionable policy intervention, is also examined.  相似文献   

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随着黑社会性质组织犯罪向经济、政治领域的不断渗透,少数地方官员由袒护黑社会性质组织及其首领发展到公开半公开地组织、参与黑社会性质组织活动,成为不折不扣的黑社会性质组织老大。这种转变为“黑老大”意味着官员的腐败的目标正在由贪图享受转变为积累个人资本,预示着反腐道路将更艰难。  相似文献   

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中美关系经历了30年的风雨,终于进入了一个相对稳定的状态.但是,影响中美关系全面发展的一些结构性问题如人权问题等依然存在.中国作为一个快速崛起的大国,又是共产党领导的社会主义国家,和美国有着截然不同的意识形态,中国始终是美国潜在的战略对手.2000年10月,美国国会相继成立了两个专事中国事务的委员会,就是加强对中国防范的具体表现.  相似文献   

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从"和平外交"到"和谐外交"   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
去年9月胡锦涛主席在联合国成立60周年大会上发表题为<努力建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界>的讲话以来,"和谐"一词频繁地出现在中国高层的外交活动中,它已成了反映中国外交新内涵和新特点的一个响亮的关键词.这说明,中国将始终不渝地把自身的发展与人类的共同进步紧密地联系在一起,既充分利用世界和平发展带来的机遇发展自己,又以自身的发展更好地维护世界和平、促进共同发展.因此,中国的发展不会妨碍任何人,也不会威胁任何人,只会有利于世界的和平稳定和共同繁荣.  相似文献   

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The problem‐solving capacity and problem‐generating potential of multilevel systems entail the need for the delegation of authority. When the problem concerned is about how to put an abstract policy concept into a practicable policy tool, the choice of the respective delegation trajectory depends on the policy models or the policy‐relevant knowledge that the respective political levels can supply. When regarding the European Union (EU) level as the starting point of knowledge creation and delegation trajectories, and concentrating on transaction costs, policy knowledge and models generated at the international level provide the most cost‐effective solution. Only when the international level is not able to provide further policy knowledge and innovation does the EU delegate its definitional authority, first downward to the member states and then sideways to EU agencies. We illustrate the plausibility of our dynamic understanding of multilevel governance by using Environmental Policy Integration as an example.  相似文献   

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Beginning as early as 1498 when Grenada had its initial contact with metropolitan forces, this island state has experienced little of the political democracy U.S. President Reagan pledged to restore to the country as part of the 1983 intervention. Yet, for the 1984 elections that followed the toppling of the remaining vestiges of the 1979–83 revolution, the United States and selected Caribbean allies attempted to amalgamate a party as an alternative to the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) and the remaining revolutionary forces. The resulting New National Party (NNP) was electorally successful in 1984 but by 1987 defections from the Party had produced a base for the National Democratic Congress (NDC). In 1989 the NNP again divided. It was thus predictable that the 1990 elections would not return either wing of the National Party and instead would result in a coalition government led by the NDC. Chances for real political democracy in Grenada are improved but will not be easily realized in the face of severe economic crisis and a potentially weak government. The economic crisis could well promote current movements toward increased regional integration. It is important that the 1983–1984 pledge of the United States to promote democratization in Grenada be honored. W. Marvin Will is associate professor of comparative politics in the Department of Political Science at the University of Tulsa. He is past president of the Midwest Association of Latin American Studies and a founding member of the Caribbean Studies Association. Will has done extensive field research in the Caribbean and is the recipient of a 1991–92 Fulbright Research Fellowship for Caribbean Research. He is co-author of a forthcoming book on the Pacific and Caribbean Basins.  相似文献   

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沈耕 《当代世界》2011,(4):47-48
2008年年底爆发的国际金融危机,可谓"百年不遇",其对战后资本主义秩序,特别是对20世纪80年代后新自由主义理念催生的金融资本主义形成强烈的冲击。国外舆论普遍认为,新自由主义的资本主义已经破产,  相似文献   

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2008年10月16日,欧盟27国首脑会议批准了《欧洲移民与难民庇护公约》,这标志着欧盟在统一的移民政策道路上又迈出了一大步。近年来,特别是2004年欧盟大规模东扩后,从经济欠发达的新成员国和周边亚非地区大批劳动力涌入欧盟老成员国,非法移民大量涌现,移民犯罪日益猖獗,由此所造成的“移民失控”局面使各成员国无力招架,  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2007,40(1):59-79
Despite the government's active legislation to protect workers, labor rights still remain widely ignored and poorly enforced in China. Structural constrains, such as the state's development strategy biased on efficiency over equity, tight labor markets, and the lack of an effective safety net, cannot fully explain why Chinese workers have had so little impact on the environment in which they work and the violations of their rights often occur. Using Marshall's theory of citizenship rights, this article explores the structure of China's labor rights for an explanation. It argues that while Chinese labor legislation stipulates workers' individual rights regarding contracts, wages, working conditions, pensions, and so on, it fails to provide them with collective rights, namely the rights to organize, to strike, and to bargain collectively in a meaningful sense. The lack of collective rights is one of the major factors that render workers' individual rights vulnerable, hollow, unenforceable, or often disregarded. Labor legislation that enables workers to act collectively is crucial for safeguarding their individual rights.  相似文献   

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与其他转型经济及绝大多数发展中经济相比,中国自20世纪70年代末以来强劲的经济增长和社会的相对稳定格外引人注目.  相似文献   

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In enacting a legislative Code of Childhood and Adolescence in 1998, the Nicaraguan state formally endorsed the ideal of children's rights as being a central concern of public policy. Yet, the state has done little to fulfil this commitment. In part this is the result of severe fiscal constraints, which have led to reduced public expenditures and the downsizing of social services, especially those directed towards children and youth. In part, however, there are also indications of state reluctance to actively implement the principles of change as outlined by the Code. This has been reflected in the government's reactionary response to fears of growing youth violence, and its unwillingness to collaborate with local civic groups in dealing with youth crime. We surmise therefore that, while the Code may have served to enhance state legitimacy, the cause of children's rights remains a residual policy issue in Nicaragua.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Since the 1990s, Brazil’s foreign policy-making, traditionally a highly centralised and hierarchical process, has become more fragmented, plural and horizontal. In this context, the role of non-state actors has been increasingly relevant. The impact and significance of these actors have been however a matter of debate. While there are authors that consider that non-state actors play only a secondary role in the policy-making process, there are others that assert that these actors work alongside governmental actors and directly influence policy choices. Drawing on the concept of network governance, the paper proposes a different view from the two recurrent approaches in the literature mentioned above. It argues that the recent steps to transform Brazil’s state governance from hierarchy to horizontal networks have indeed expanded the room for the direct participation of non-state actors in the policy process. However, state authorities fought to adjust this tendency, in order to retain control over the decision-making process, by putting in place formal and informal coordinating mechanisms led by the Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Presidency. This suggests Brazil’s foreign policy was made in the shadow of hierarchy. The paper demonstrates the argument using the case of Brazil’s foreign policy towards China.  相似文献   

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今年4月18日至21日,中国国家主席胡锦涛应美国总统布什的邀请,对美国进行了国事访问.这是中美关系中的一件大事.从西部的西雅图,到首都华盛顿,再到东部耶鲁大学所在地纽黑文,在为期4天的访问中,胡锦涛主席不仅与布什总统举行了实质性的、坦率的会谈,而且还接触了美国国会议员、州市官员、工商、学术、工人、学生等各界人士,访问著名企业和大学.在中美双方共同努力下,访问取得了重要成果.  相似文献   

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一、会议概况对未成年人违法犯罪案件的处理实行非监禁化和行刑社会化,已经成为许多发达国家的法律共识,一种新的少年司法理念正昭示着处理未成年人犯罪案件的根本目标不是惩罚犯罪,而是预防犯罪、减少犯罪。为了保护未成年人的合法权益,更好地在办理未成年人刑事案件中体现刑事政策的精神,贯彻教育挽救、区别对待的原则,上海市长宁区检察院与华东政法学院青少年犯罪研究所共同筹备后,于2004年4月28日召开了“未成年人案件刑事政策思想问题研讨会”。华东政法学院的教授和学者、最高人民检察院侦查监督厅及上海市检察院相关部门的领导、江苏…  相似文献   

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This paper compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the paper is to highlight the forces that have influenced social policy transformation from its former highly universal, however authoritarian form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present day Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.It will be demonstrated that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. Rather, social policy should be studied as if embedded in the political, historical and cultural aspects of a given society. The people’s attitude towards distributive justice will be highlighted as being one of the most important factors for either social policy shortcomings or expansion.This paper takes steps to combine quantitative and qualitative data.  相似文献   

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