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This article explores the tensions within the nineteenth-century discourse of reform and change among Muslims of South Asia. Contrary to a commonly held view that within this discourse women were mostly invisible, this article documents a deep concern of women not only for their degraded position but also for the ill fate of their community. As most dominant historiographies of social change in South Asia have effaced Muslim women's independent activism, this article uses purdah to examine how women negotiated their identities within the context of public space. This interesting negotiation literally took place in 1884 from behind the purdah when women chose an effective strategy to act as their own advocates by documenting their voices. This historic event took place in 1884 when Sir Syed Ahmed Khan toured the Punjab, India. The article is testimony to nineteenth-century South Asian Muslim women's feminist consciousness and the contested nature of Muslim identity.  相似文献   

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This paper reports a research project on womenlaw professors in the U.K. Despite theirsimilar social and educational backgrounds,successful women legal academics disclosemarked differences in their perceptions of theinfluence of gender on their work identities.Many emphasise the caring and pastoral rolesthey adopt, or are expected to adopt.Organisational cultures also emerge as asignificant factor in determining the genderexperiences of women law professors. The fewwith experience as head of school downplay thesignificance of gender while simultaneouslyacknowledging the influence of genderconstructions and expectations.  相似文献   

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The findings of a questionnaire survey of sexual attitudes and behavior of a large nationwide sample of Israeli adolescents (N=5410) show clear gender differences in patterns of sexual behavior even among kibbutz adolescents who express very permissive attitudes toward premarital coitus and live under conditions which provide easy access to potential sexual partners. Permissive conditions increase rates of coitus among female adolescents, but this sexual experience occurs within the framework of an emotionally involving relationship. Kibbutz girls who report coital rates equal to those of kibbutz and nonkibbutz boys (about 40%) have their first coital relationship with a steady boyfriend with whom they are in love and continue having sexual relations with the same partner. This pattern is similar to that of nonkibbutz females, who report much lower rates of coitus (14%). Males do not necessarily have sexual relations in the context of an emotional relationship. The findings are interpreted in terms of pattern of sex-role socialization.This study was supported by the Israel Center for Demographic Studies and by the Ministry of Health.Research interests are socialization, parent-child interaction, and cross-cultural research.Presently working on Ph.D. in public health at University of California, Berkeley.Research interests are child development and personality.Research interests are clinical obstetrics and gynecology, contraception, sex education, and family planning.Research interests are chronic disease epidemiology and research methodology.  相似文献   

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Prior research has found significant differences between ethnic groups in identity formation. However, most investigations have either failed to include or adjust for SES level differences. To reassess possible differences in psychosocial development between African American, American Indian, Mexican American, and White American 10th–12th grade male and female adolescents (n=123), ethnic groups were compared according to passive-active dimensions delineated in identity, sex role orientation, and locus of control. A series of analyses of covariance (using education level of father and mother as covariates) were computed using ethnicity, grade, and gender in the factorial model as main effects. Consistent with previous research, White adolescents scored significantly lower than the other groups on ideological foreclosure. Overall, however, more similarity than differences between the four ethnic groups were found. Older students were observed to be more psychosocially mature, and males scored higher than females on identity diffusion. Marginal support was gained for the proposed passive-active delineations of the dependent variables.Partial support for this project was provided to Gerald Adams through funding from the Utah State Agricultural Experiment Station, Logan, Utah, and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council, Ottawa, Canada.Received Ph.D. in developmental psychology from Department of Psychology, Utah State University. Research interests: identity formation, ego strength and psychosocial maturity in adolescence, interfaith dating and courtship, and ethnic contexts of development.(Visiting Professor, Division of Family Resources, West Virginia University, 1994–1995 academic year.) Received Ph.D. in human development and family studies, Pennsylvania State University. Research interests: personality and social development in adolescence, identity formation, parent-adolescent relationships, and adolescent social problems.  相似文献   

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This article argues that neoliberalism with its pervasive patriarchy and co-option of feminism, renders women tacitly complicit in gendered pay inequalities. We show that in New Zealand, one of the world’s most neoliberal nations, women who might precisely be best equipped to argue for equal pay – engineers – do not do so because neoliberalism makes many feel responsible for, and accepting of, their lower salaries. In interviews and focus groups, many women engineers talk of deserving less pay than men because of their ‘choices’, their ‘personality’ and their lack of ‘responsibility’. In a disempowering environment, some women show agency by disavowing gender as a reason for the pay gap. Such narratives of individualized shortcomings reduce hope of collective action that might uncover and dismantle the systemic causes of pay inequity, which are not due to a woman’s choice or personality but rather what we frame as the neoliberal chimera.  相似文献   

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How do young women and men do their couples when they have a different faith and gender from that of their partner? What kind of stories do they tell and how do they tell them, in order to present their relationships as modern and successful? Which ideals do their stories reflect? And what kinds of strategies do young women and men develop when they do couples?  相似文献   

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Gender quotas for corporate boards can be seen as a way of drawing attention to gendered power within the economy as well as a way to democratize the economy, yet the debate about them has focused on the economic and business benefits of gender equality rather than on gender justice or democracy. This article examines how women’s under-representation in economic decision-making was constituted as an economic problem in the European Union’s gender-equality policies and how the economization of the debate on gender quotas for corporate boards affects understandings of gender equality and the economy. The article contributes to research on gender and neoliberalism through developing an approach for analysing the depoliticizing effects of economized gender-equality discourses. It argues that the depoliticized understandings of gender and the economy put forward in the debate water down the politicizing potential of the proposed EU gender-balance directive and that the debate about gender quotas has enhanced the neoliberalization and corporatization of EU gender-equality discourse.  相似文献   

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The question of what might be understood as battles over the body in a society of gender equality is discussed. Women have become more like men, but at the same time their bodies appear to speak more clearly of difference. Difference between the genders has traditionally been understood in the light of the body/nature as immutable. In this study I explore where theoretical approaches that question such understandings might lead us. The production of gender is understood as produced in tandem with heterosexuality and linked to the culturally deep-structured homophobia. The body's suitability as battlefield over gender is seen in relation to its status as nature and therefore true.  相似文献   

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This paper argues that most conceptualizations of citizenship limit the purview of the discourse to static categories. ‘Citizenship’ is commonly seen as an ideal type, presuming a largely legal relationship between an inidividual and a single nationstate - more precisely only one type of nation-state, the advanced capitalist postwar model. Alternatively, we suggest a re-conceptualization of citizenship as a negotiated relationship, one which is subject therefore to change, and acted upon collectively within social, political and economic relations of conflict. This dynamic process of negotiation takes place within a context which is shaped by gendered, racial and class structures and ideologies; it also involves international hierarchies among states. Citizenship is therefore negotiated on global as well as national levels. This conceptualization is demonstrated by way of identifying one particular set of experiences of negotiated citizenship, involving foreign domestic workers in Canada. As non-citizens originating from Third World conditions, this is a case involving women of colour workers, highly prone to abusive conditions, and under the direction of employers who are more affluent First World citizens and predominantly white women. Original survey data based on interviews with Caribbean and Filipino domestic workers in Canada are used to demonstrate the varied, creative and effective strategies of two distinctive groups of non-citizens as they attempt to negotiate citizenship rights in restrictive national and international conditions.  相似文献   

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The Hawke and Keating Labor governments have tended to practise a politics of inclusion in which women, along with other social groups, are seen to have an important part to play in building the new, internationally competitive Australian economy of the twenty-first century. Australian politics have therefore had a very different nature from that of the more exclusionary politics practised by British Conservative governments. While the politics of inclusion have given feminists room for manoeuvre, and facilitated some positive developments in areas such as affirmative action and childcare policies, feminists have had little success in challenging the overall direction of the governments' right-wing economic policies. Furthermore, the ‘economic’ has functioned as a meta-category which dissolves difference and conflict. The Australian experience therefore has both practical and theoretical implications for British feminists who may be experiencing a Labour government themselves before too long.  相似文献   

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