论学术期刊编辑深度阅读的必要性

学术期刊编辑肩负着文化的选择、传承、重构和创造的重任,在全民阅读的浪潮之下学术期刊编辑更应该"为中华之崛起而读书"。学术期刊编辑通过阅读,才能当好文章稿件的"把关人",才能抵制学术期刊的"伪学术化",才能维护学术期刊的独立性;通过阅读还可以在编辑活动中融入自己的编辑思想,搭建和读者、作者对话的平台,才能发现和推出新人。一言以蔽之,学术期刊编辑的阅读不单是为了消遣或者收获精神上的愉悦,还有提升学术期刊学术性,增强学术期刊编辑主体性和搭建学术期刊编辑与作者、读者对话平台的需要。其读书的终极目的是为了给读者提供丰富的精神食粮,努力当好中国梦的书写者。     

建设中华民族现代文明 增强做中国人的骨气和底气

<正>《文史哲》编辑部的同志们：你们好！来信收悉。《文史哲》创刊70年来,在党的领导下,几代编辑人员守正创新、薪火相传,在弘扬中华文明、繁荣学术研究等方面做了大量工作,在国内外赢得一定声誉,你们付出的努力值得肯定。增强做中国人的骨气和底气,让世界更好认识中国、了解中国,需要深入理解中华文明,从历史和现实、理论和实践相结合的角度深入阐释如何更好坚持中国道路、弘扬中国精神、凝聚中国力量。回答好这一重大课题,需要广大哲学社会科学工作者共同努力,在新的时代条件下推动中华优秀传统文化创造性转化、创新性发展。高品质的学术期刊就是要坚守初心、引领创新,展示高水平研究成果,支持优秀学术人才成长,促进中外学术交流。希望你们再接再厉,把刊物办得更好。     

论媒体融合时代学术期刊传播力的评价与提升路径

新媒体的快速发展以及随之而来的媒体融合趋势,促使学术期刊必须重视自身传播力的建设问题。基于新媒体对学术期刊传播力的双向影响机制,学术期刊应该主动通过媒体融合优化工作流程,打造立体传播模式,同时从优化编辑队伍结构、拓展服务功能入手提升期刊社的内在实力,以此来提升传播力。     

马克思主义哲学是正确解释世界与能动改造世界功能的统一——评《"知识经济"批判》

马克思主义哲学既要正确解释世界,也要能动改造世界,它是两种功能的辩证统一。《知识经济批判》把知识经济放在马克思世界历史理论中考察,积极研究并充分肯定了知识经济对当代社会发展和哲学理论方面的影响,正确评述了知识经济在当代社会发展中的地位及其丰富历史唯物主义的内涵。但知识经济批判的内容与任务远不是《知识经济批判》一书所能完成和担当的,仍需要在实践的基础上不断丰富与发展,并用它能动地指导人们改造世界的实践活动。     

学术期刊编辑如何看待重复性研究

重复性研究是科学研究的重要组成部分,然而学术期刊对是否支持发表重复性研究存在争议。本文从学术期刊编辑的角度出发,比较和探讨了自然科学和社会科学类期刊编辑对重复性研究的观点和看法。相对自然科学而言,社会科学领域的重复性研究缺乏足够的规范,编辑对这类研究的发表也持不同的看法。期刊和编辑应以科学的观点重新审视重复性研究的发表价值。     

提高高校期刊竞争力 为稳步“入世”做好准备

我国即将加入世贸组织,而我国的高校学术期刊在与世界接轨方面尚有一些差距,为使我国的高校学术期刊更好地走向世界,必须克服不利于"入世"的因素,加强编辑队伍建设,提高编辑工作质量.     

《政治学研究》关于引文注释的规定

为便于学术交流和推进本期刊编辑工作的规范化,在研究和借鉴其他人文社会科学学术期刊尤其是中国社会科学院的学术期刊注释规定的基础上制定了本规定。     

2019年陕西省高校社科学报评优结果揭晓 《理论导刊》《陕西行政学院学报》分别入选“精品期刊”“优秀期刊”

<正>本刊讯日前,陕西省高校学报研究会2019年学术年会在宝鸡举行。会上,有关专家学者就学术期刊的发展趋势与学术期刊评价的新变化做了学术报告,对2019年陕西省高校社科学报评优活动中的优秀期刊和优秀个人作出表彰,省委党校(行政学院)两个刊物均榜上有名。此次评优活动中,《理论导刊》再次荣获"陕西省高校社科学报精品期刊"称号,"执政党建设"栏目被评为"特色栏目",副主编赵宇辉获得"优秀主编"称号,张亚茹被评为"优秀编辑"。《陕西行政学院学报》获得"优秀期刊"称号,"政府管理"栏目被评为"特色栏目",叶慧娟被评为"优秀编辑",杨栓保、叶慧娟撰写的论文分获优秀论文二、三等奖。     

《政治学研究》关于引文注释的规定北大核心CSSCI

为便于学术交流和推进本期刊编辑工作的规范化,在研究和借鉴其他人文社会科学学术期刊尤其是中国社会科学院的学术期刊注释规定的基础上制定了本规定。     

《政治学研究》关于引文注释的规定北大核心CSSCI

为便于学术交流和推进本期刊编辑工作的规范化,在研究和借鉴其他人文社会科学学术期刊尤其是中国社会科学院的学术期刊注释规定的基础上制定了本规定。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.