The Zimbabwe Issue in Sino-U.S. Ties

The United States has criticized the domestic and foreign policies of the Mugabe regime, and has attempted to raise the Zimbabwe issue in the UN Security Council, thus creating a point of potential conflict in Sino-U.S. relations.China differs from the United States on this issue not because of the measures taken by the Western countries such as economic sanctions and political pressure, but,more significantly, because of the Western conception of democracy and human rights, and the difference between the U.S. and Chinese strategies in Africa. The policies of China and the United States on the Zimbabwe issue can be interpreted as a struggle between two powers in Africa. In the short term, however, it is the Middle East that will continue to preoccupy U.S. foreign policy, and Zimbabwe will not become a major flash point in Sino-U.S. relations.     

Evolution of the U.S. Strategy toward China and China’s Peaceful Development

China-U.S. relationship is the most important one between two big powers in the world today. It is both bilateral and global by nature. How to handle this relationship is closely linked with the fundamental interests of the U.S. and China, as well as peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region and even in the world. So, a profound examination of the nature of U.S. strategy toward China and its evolution over the years will help to fully understand the opportunities and challenges China will meet in the course of peaceful development.     

The Gwadar Port Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

Because of its unique geopolitical importance,China's aid to construct Gwadar Port has caused much concern in the U.S. and other countries. The U.S. sees it as strategic expansion in the Indian Ocean and claims that China is intent on using Gwadar Port as a naval base in its "string of pearls strategy." The U.S. and China maintain conflicting interests on this issue. Although Sino-U.S.relations may not be affected greatly in the near future, the negative influence in the long term cannot be ignored.     

冷战后美国对缅甸政策及近期变化

自1988年缅甸发生政变、军人政权上台执政之后,美国就以“民主”、“人权”为由,对缅甸政府进行孤立、制裁,同时支持缅甸国内民主势力发展,企图以压促变,使缅甸政权更迭,进而建立一个符合美国利益的西方民主式国家。然而,20多年的制裁并未取得美国期望中的结果,中国以及中缅关系的快速发展却使美国感到巨大压力,因此美国调整对缅政策,接触与制裁并举,企图以此促成缅甸的变革,同时离间中缅关系。     

Darfur and Sino-U.S. Relations

The Darfur issue has been influencing the Sino-U.S. relationship since July 2004. There are at least three reasons to say so. Firstly, China and the U.S. disagree,both on the nature of the issue and on its solution. Secondly,China and the U.S. have conflicting interests, especially their oil interests in Sudan and the African continent.Finally, U.S. domestic political forces have forced the issue onto the agenda of Sino-U.S. relations. Although the issue has become an unharmonious factor in the Sino-U.S.relationship, it has not damaged the bilateral relations too much. Instead, the two countries have been cooperating on the issue.     

The U. S. Policy toward DPRK: Opportunities and Constraints

布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐.朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会.但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能.     

The Iran Nuclear Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

The Iran nuclear issue has become the "third factor" in Sino-U.S. relations. Problems began when the U.S. imposed sanctions against Chinese companies, and this became a major issue affecting Sino-U.S. relationship.China and the U.S. have different agendas in dealing the Iran nuclear issue. However, they also share some common ground. Different scenarios regarding the Iran nuclear issue affect Sino- U.S. relations in different ways.     

论当前中美俄三边关系新特征和新趋舅

国际金融危机以来,中美俄三边关系进入以合作为主的新阶段。在普京重新出任总统后,美俄能否在欧洲反导问题上形成共识,将成为影响美俄关系发展的重要因素。未来,中美俄三边关系将会是各国在争取自身战略利益的过程中不断寻求妥协,将彼此间的竞争控制在规则允许的范围内。基于美国实力相对衰弱、俄中实力上升、解决全球性和地区问题上需要合作等因素,三国关系仍可能以继续保持建设性合作的基本态势向前发展。     

美国的出口管制政策及其对美中贸易的影响

美国出口管制政策演变的历史表明,出口管制始终是美国国家战略的一个重要组成部分。自中华人民共和国成立以来,美国对华一直实行歧视性出口管制政策。这不仅在相当程度上加剧了美中贸易失衡,而且使两国都付出了巨大的经济代价。由于奥巴马政府并未改变美国对华的一贯立场,因此其推动的出口管制改革并未惠及美中贸易,使美中贸易关系的发展日趋复杂。在对华出口管制问题上,美中两国的博弈将是一个长期的过程,在美中双边经济相互依赖关系中明显处于弱势地位的中国应当积极采取措施予以应对。     

中美关系与亚太地区格局

亚太地区是中美利益的交汇区,中美战略关系的发展直接影响地区格局的走向,同样,地区格局的演变也影响着中美关系。未来,在亚太地区,中美之间既存在着广泛的共同利益,有着较大的合作空间,但双方也存在着明显的战略取向的冲突。美国将追求维持其对亚太地区的主导地位,实现所谓＂美国治下的和平＂;而中国坚持主张国际政治民主化,以完全平等的方式与亚太国家发展合作关系。这种理念差异和政策取向将对亚太地区战略格局产生影响。     

论中美之间的权力转移

经过60余年的物质性和社会性成长,中国的国家实力已经有了明显提高。中国实力的增长和美国实力的相对衰退使中美之间出现了权力转移现象。由于中国坚持和平发展道路和对现存国际秩序持基本满意的态度,中美之间的权力转移未必引起冲突与战争,权力能否和平转移取决于美国对中国崛起的战略判断。中美之间的权力转移并不意味着中崛美落,而是中美和其他主要国家或国家集团一道在国际事务中发挥重要作用。     

美国《网络空间国际战略》评析

在信息化时代,网络空间承载着国家政治、经济、文化和军事发展与安全的重荷。网络空间存在的黑客攻击、网络犯罪和网络恐怖主义事件层出不穷,因此网络空间安全已上升到国家安全战略的层面,美国政府于2011年5月16日发布的《网络空间国际战略》引起世界各国瞩目。美国《网络空间国际战略》以"共同创造繁荣、安全、开放的网络世界"为基本宗旨,以"基本自由、隐私和信息流动自由"为核心原则,从经济、网络安全、司法、军事、网络管理、国际发展、网络自由等诸方面为美国未来网络安全战略的发展指明了方向。《网络空间国际战略》的出台表明美国政府已将网络安全提升到国际战略的新高度,它隐含着美国谋求网络空间霸权的战略目标,具有引领国际战略新变革和引发网络空间价值观冲突的现实战略效能,它对中美关系的影响和中国的应对之策也是值得认真分析和思考的。     

Google and Sino-U.S. Relations

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton＇s speech against Internet censorship on January 21 raised contention with China over cyber policy, which flared after Google Inc. last week warned it could pull out of China over hacking and restrictions. The Google incident has attracted a great deal of attention and become a new hot issue between China-U.S.     

An Analysis of U.S.Involvement in the South China Sea Dispute

The U.S. is the largest country outside of the region to involve itself in the South China Sea dispute. U.S. policy on this issue is guided by the principle of containing China＇s rise and this will continue to be the case in the near future. Meanwhile, the U.S. has proposed a new multi-lateral security mechanism, incorporating itself, in the South China Sea. This article will put forward some reflections and suggestions on the above issues.     

Confrontations on the Issue of Terrorism Between Iran and the U.S. after 1979

The issue of terrorism has been a significant source of influence on the relationship between Iran and the U.S. since the Islamic Revolution. Iran's friendship with extremist groups that are designated as terrorist groups by the U.S. State Department is seriously challenging America's foreign policy. This article attempts to explore the prospect of confrontations on the issue of terrorism between Iran and the U.S. through a detailed analysis of their different interpretations and mutual recognitions of terrorism and through an in-depth analysis of the measures each party has taken regarding this confrontation. This article argues that the confrontation between Iran and the U.S. regarding the issue of terrorism is not strictly about terrorism. Rather, it is also about the conflicts of policies that result from different security interests and political values. Resolving the issue of terrorism depends on the reconciliation of the relationship between Iran and the U.S. Without mutual trust between the two nations, Iran will continue to support extremist groups in order to increase its influence against the external and internal pressures it is currently under, and the U.S. will continue to contain Iran's regional ambitions and seek changes in its behavior.     

Realpolitik or Imperial Hubris: The Latin American Drug War and U.S. Foreign Policy in Iraq

Robert Kaplan has suggested that America employ elsewhere the same “stealth imperialism” tactics as are being used to combat drugs and guerrillas in Colombia. In fact, decades of U.S. efforts there have achieved little. The real lessons to be learned from Colombia are the perils of relying on flawed assumptions about the threat presented; the difficulties of creating and training a military capable of achieving U.S. objectives; and the risk of mistaking symbols, signals, and credibility for core U.S. interests. Moreover, in both regions, policymakers often fail to understand the fundamental sources of the conflict, particularly class, ethnicity, and nationalism. They incorrectly believe that U.S. policy has nothing to do with the continuation of the conflict and presume U.S. omnipotence.     

从中东动荡看美地区战略及新举措

最近中东地区政局激烈动荡,地区广大民众反美情绪高涨,充分暴露了美国中东战略的失误,主要表现在五个方面,其中美国的恣意横行成为引发地区动荡的一个重要诱因;巴以争端依旧,令阿拉伯人忧心忡忡。为了稳住中东,继续执掌该地区事务,奥巴马政府开始着手调整其中东政策,主要采取了五项措施,其中尤其值得一提的是,美国欲将埃及打造成＂民主过渡＂的样板,以促使其他国家仿效。     

Wolfowitz Conjecture: A Research Note on Civil War and News Coverage

How news coverage is affected by dangerous security environments is an important issue for political scientists who rely upon journalistic accounts of political events. It is also a controversial issue in the policy arena. In June of 2004, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz attributed the American public's pessimism regarding U.S. efforts at stabilizing Iraq to the manner in which Iraq was covered by the U.S. media, suggesting that journalists in Iraq were holed up in hotels rather than in the field. This statement was conjecture, but if there is indeed a link between news coverage and violence, then this would be important for social scientists to understand. In this article, I probe this link by examining how conflict intensity and journalist deaths affect both the volume and length of news coverage in civil wars from 1992 to 1999. This paper shows that news coverage is largely unaffected by violence, except in the most extreme circumstances.     

东亚共同体与美国

“东亚共同体”问题与美国之间20年的关系（1990-2010年）扑朔迷离。美国在亚洲金融危机中的表现直接导致了它最不愿意看到的东亚共同体构想的产生。之后，它监视和反对东亚国家致力于建立东亚共同体的努力，力防经济竞争对手日本或社会主义中国主导未来的东亚共同体，企图以自己主导的亚太经合组织取而代之。然而，美国又要求参加东亚共同体。但美国不适宜成为东亚共同体的成员，一是因为它不是东亚经济板块上的国家，二是由于其现行的东亚政策不利于东亚共同体建立。但这并不妨碍它继续参与东亚经济。     

U.S. Engagement in East Asia: A Case for ‘Track Two’ Diplomacy

As the Bush presidency draws to a close, the foreign policy community is taking stock of contemporary U.S.-Northeast Asian relations, assessing the challenges and opportunities that are likely to confront the next administration. China presents both in abundance, as reflected in ongoing tensions and misunderstandings in the Sino-American bilateral relationship. This article assesses the prospects for Washington to improve its relations with China through the mechanism of “track two” diplomacy. First, we expand on the track two concept by examining its main components and functions with illustrative examples. We extend the existing conceptualization of track two beyond its traditional conflict resolution functions and develop an account of it as a mechanism for policy coordination and the reorientation of regional dynamics from conflict to cooperation. Second, we identify major areas of U.S. interest in Northeast Asia and show how track two diplomacy might usefully be pursued within these contexts. Our analysis culminates with recommendations on how the Unites States should apply track two strategies in its relations with China.