从多边条约看中国外交

本文以新中国成立以来所签订的国际多边条约为基本分析数据审视新中国成立以来中国与国际社会的关系,通过对改革开放前后两个30年的基本情况进行定量与定性分析,勾画中国外交政策的变化轨迹,揭示中国签订多边条约与中国外交政策、外交战略转型之间的对应关系,以及中国签订多边条约所反映出的新时期中国外交战略转型的特点.     

东盟第二轨道外交智库——东盟战略与国际问题研究所的缘起、成就与挑战

东盟战略与国际问题研究所(ASEANISIS)是东盟地区最重要的思想库。本文以东盟的第二轨道外交智库ASEANISIS为研究对象,考察该组织成立的过程,探究其在东盟安全外交中的功能与成就,并分析ASEANISIS当前面临的挑战以及其应对之道,丰富人们对该机构的理解和认识。     

新地区主义视角下的中国东亚区域合作外交

在全球化时代的世界政治中,东亚新地区主义的发展为20世纪90年代以来的中国外交提供了广阔的舞台。当前,东亚区域合作外交正在成为中国外交中一个日益凸显的亮点。在新地区主义理论的视野中,中国提出新安全观,塑造负责任的大国形象;提出并倡导“开放的地区主义”思想,为新地区主义在亚太地区的发展开辟了道路;积极推进“10+3”合作,着力发展“10+1”;积极参与东亚区域合作的制度化建设,支持东盟为推进东亚区域一体化所作的努力;以“10+3”机制为契机,深化中、日、韩三国合作。在未来的东亚区域合作中,中国应在加快自身经济发展的同时,让东盟国家从中切实受益;继续坚定不移地树立负责任的大国形象,发挥大国作用;切实按照《南海各方行为宣言》所规定的各项原则处理同有关国家的海上领土争端和历史遗留问题;大力发展中、日、韩三国经贸合作,切实推进三国次区域自由贸易区建设;以建设性的合作精神发展中美关系。     

首脑外交视角下的中美关系——基于冷战后中美元首间外交的实证研究

冷战结束的1991年至2005年,中美两国元首主要通过会晤、通电话和致函电等三种形式进行了58次首脑外交活动,涉及的议题多达数十种.本文采用实证研究的方法,对冷战后中美首脑外交的频数、形式和议题等进行了深入分析;并根据分析结果进一步考察了冷战后影响两国关系的问题因素,联系两国关系的首脑外交机制,以及由此所反映的两国关系的发展状况等.     

从强制性外交到"先发制人"战略--近20年来美国非常规战争战略比较分析

自上世纪80年代美国开始实行超越遏制战略以来,美国应付非传统安全的战略经历了从强制性外交到新干涉主义再到先发制人战略三个阶段的变化.本文旨在通过对这三种战略的比较分析,揭示出美国日益排斥对话、交流和妥协等常规政治手段而日趋极端、保守和崇尚武力的倾向.这些变化意味着:在缺少有效的势力均衡和权力制约机制的国际体系中,霸权国的权力欲望与暴力使用都会不断自我膨胀,当前的世界秩序正面临着挑战和威胁.     

从文化角度看当代日本外交

研究一个国家特别是大国的外交 ,必须联系该国的政治传统、价值观念 ,以至于广义上的文化来进行考察。日本文化模式的价值精神赋予了日本特定的民族性格和文化心理 ,他们共同影响着日本的外交 ,其“无常观”、“求新”精神、重视等级与依附强权、对外意识、“皇国史观”等因素是日本迈向“国际化”症结。     

整合公共外交——国家形象构建的战略沟通新视角

国家形象塑造是衡量整合公共外交绩效的坐标,整合公共外交的实施效能要在国家形象的知名度和美誉度中得到体现.以战略沟通为核心的整合公共外交分析框架,集中对国家形象战略沟通行为层面进行探讨.对于国家形象的构建和重塑提出了新的研究视角.     

A Structural Analysis of International Conflict: From a Communication Perspective

The study describes the structure of international conflict with the tools of network analysis to enhance the understanding of multilateral conflict-communication relations and to predict the conflict structure with existing international relations theories (liberal and realist) plus global communication variables. Using data obtained from the Correlates of War Project (http://cow2.la.psu.edu/), the structure of international conflict is described for the period 1993–2001 for 145 nations. The results indicate that this network is very sparse; 42 nations had no conflict, and 36 only one bilateral disagreement. The network is centered about former Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), Russia, the United States, Iraq, and China. Most conflicts are regional. The paper also evaluates both the liberal, expanded liberal (with communication variables included), and realist (including Huntington's Clash of Civilizations Theory) perspectives as predictors of conflict. The results indicate that communication variables substantially enhance explanatory power of a predictive model, but the effects of the communication variables are inconsistent. A multiple regression model including history of colonialism and prior conflict, physical proximity and contiguity, whether or not a nation is a democracy, and the communication variables—international telecommunication, freight, and exports—accounted for 30.0% of the variance in the structure of international conflict and each variable was significantly related to conflict. The need for further research is discussed.     

Two Complementary Settings of Peace-making Diplomacy: Political-Elite Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy

In terms of the question, “how to create an effective peace-making process in the Israeli–Palestinian case,” this article argues that the answer is a multidimensional approach to peace-making diplomacy that contains two main settings: political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy. Political-elite diplomacy suggests various modes of peace-making interactions between political-elites. Public diplomacy provides instruments to involve the people in the peace-making struggle, prepares them for a change, and presses the leadership to reach agreements. The analysis suggests establishing an institution for the operation of public diplomacy—a major Israeli-Palestinian public negotiating congress. The congress is a democratic peace-making institution that invites representatives of the opposing societies to discuss, debate, and negotiate solutions to their struggle. The article also presents the concepts of political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy as competitive settings that should be regarded as complementary. It includes lessons from the “Minds of Peace Experiment”—a small-scale Israeli–Palestinian public negotiating congress—which has been conducted in different places around the world.     

U.S. Engagement in East Asia: A Case for ‘Track Two’ Diplomacy

As the Bush presidency draws to a close, the foreign policy community is taking stock of contemporary U.S.-Northeast Asian relations, assessing the challenges and opportunities that are likely to confront the next administration. China presents both in abundance, as reflected in ongoing tensions and misunderstandings in the Sino-American bilateral relationship. This article assesses the prospects for Washington to improve its relations with China through the mechanism of “track two” diplomacy. First, we expand on the track two concept by examining its main components and functions with illustrative examples. We extend the existing conceptualization of track two beyond its traditional conflict resolution functions and develop an account of it as a mechanism for policy coordination and the reorientation of regional dynamics from conflict to cooperation. Second, we identify major areas of U.S. interest in Northeast Asia and show how track two diplomacy might usefully be pursued within these contexts. Our analysis culminates with recommendations on how the Unites States should apply track two strategies in its relations with China.     

日本安倍政府的东盟外交:基于现实主义外交的理论视角

安倍政府对东盟的现实主义外交渗透着严重的实力支配主义及利益至上原则,其战略目标不单纯是谋求维护及扩大日本在东盟地区的现实利益,更意图与东盟个别国家乃至东盟整体建立以合作应对中国威胁为基本价值观、以集体遏制中国发展为战略目标的同盟体系。自2012年末安倍政府上台以来,它就通过政治、经济、安全等多个维度对东盟国家展开全方位的现实主义外交。但必须指出的是,安倍政府对东盟的现实主义外交暴露出强烈的逐利性,同时,刻意追求对华均势的战略效果,凸显继承性、破坏性、争议性、自我性的严重缺陷。     

The New Diplomacy: Evolution of a Revolution

The continued rise of the non-state actor in twenty-first century international politics issues a potent challenge to state primacy in the area of diplomacy. Diplomacy's statist tradition, once the bedrock organising institution for pursuing international politics, is ceding influence to non-state actors—the “new” diplomats—who have displayed impressive skill at shaping policy through means that foreign ministries fail to grasp. To the chagrin of established scholars and practitioners, this paper claims that nothing has transpired to suggest the diplomatic profession is doing anything but pluralising. Furthermore, the process by which the foreign ministry opens itself to the public increasingly resides with the latter. Does this revolution mean the evolution of the “new diplomacy” has materialised? The contents in the following pages suggest so, and the main reason for this is built upon a radical view of agency: the age of diplomacy as an institution is giving way to an age of diplomacy as a behaviour. Yet despite who dominates in the art of influence, caveats remain and it appears likely that each side will need the other to achieve successful statecraft in the years to come.     

印度的“能源外交”及其地缘政治考量

印度对海外能源的依存度不断提高为印度的经济持续增长和战略安全构成了严峻的挑战.这一现状和前景促使印度近年来力求通过外交努力维护、保障和扩大外部能源的供应,也促使印度从地缘政治的高度客观认知和评估自身的处境.同时,面对不断变换的国际与地区格局,印度对"能源外交"的日益强调也为其外交理念和实践提出了更高的要求.     

China and the World in the Perspective of Global New Public Diplomacy

正Since the 1990s,the development of globalization and information technology has been changing the political ecology of traditional international relations.The all-round and close communication and competition in terms of communication competence among nation-states promoted the constant change of international power system     

Refocusing Public Diplomacy: The Need for Strategic Discursive Public Diplomacy

This article concerns itself with the agenda, the instruments, and the goals of public diplomacy (PD). Taking into account the current state of PD that concentrates predominantly on forging cultural and educational links and promoting values, but not policies, it refocuses PD in two substantial ways: driving it, first, to focus on the most significant global issues and, second, to employ profound discursive processes. The emphasis then shifts to how PD can strengthen the global public sphere with regard to the profoundly political and critical issues of the present era. It argues in favour of strategic discursive PD and suggests ways to enhance both the legitimacy and efficiency of states' foreign policies on the handling of the Greek economic crisis and the issue of economic governance.     

从翻译方向性看翻译中的民族中心主义

一、引言在国际文化交流中,历来有弱势文化与强势文化之分。例如,在当今中西文化交流中,中国是被看作弱势文化国家的,而西方则是强势     

公共外交视角下的泰国政府官员中文学习项目

由中国国务院侨务办公室、中国海外交流协会和泰中文化经济协会共同推动,华侨大学具体承办的泰国政府官员中文学习项目具有公共外交的典型特征,主要表现在执行主体身份灵活、针对群体定位明确、实施手段柔和多元与项目目标有序可行四方面。该项目对于中泰双方在彼此公众中的良好国家形象建构均有积极效应,是对战略目标共赢化这一中国公共外交主要特色的成功实践。未来该项目应注重创新语言教学方法与模式,拓展公共外交广度与深度