South China Sea： Disputes and Great Powers

In the South China Sea disputes,China has ample proof to claim sovereignty over the Xisha Islands(the Paracel Islands)and Nansha Islands(the Spratly Islands)while the claims of certain southeast Asian countries do not hold any water.The South China Sea disputes have their origins in the San Francisco Peace Treaty signed in 1951,the result of intervention by the United States and Great Britain in regional affairs.Even today,the United States has not discarded its Cold War mentality and continues to intervene in the South China Sea disputes.The only change in the United States’ attitude is that it has changed its pretext for intervention from containing Communist expansion in the past to preserving freedom of navigation in the South China Sea in the present.     

Do Great Powers Have Great Responsibilities? Great Powers and Moral Agency

Since 1815 it has been generally understood that the Great Powers acting in concert have some responsibility for ensuring/underwriting order and stability within international society—although it is clear that only occasionally have they actually discharged this responsibility. Contemporary conditions, where there is only one superpower, change the situation radically; the United States may be able to take the lead in organising the provision of global public goods such as an open global economy and a secure strategic environment, but it also may possess the capacity to promote its own particular conception of the good in the world— the conservatism characteristic of a concert of Powers may not dominate the actions of a single superpower. However, changes in the nature of "power' ' in an age of globalisation and "Empire'' may actually limit the capacity of any actor, or collection of actors, to discharge its responsibilities.     

The US and China: A New Bipolar World

Despite uncertainty over the international order,China and the US are increasingly creating a bipolar world.Compared with the former US?Soviet Union bipolarity,primary components of the Sino-US bipolar structure are economy,trade,finance,technology,culture,development model,and value.The complexity of the new bipolarity is a test for national strength,strategy and wisdom.Continuing to analyze the development of the international order will be crucial to assessing the international strategic situation and diplomatic policy-making.     

The Baltic Sea and South China Sea regions: incomparable models of regional integration?

This introduction explains the key concepts of integration and exemplifies how they can be applied to processes of regional integration in the Baltic Sea and South China Sea regions.     

Democracy promotion and China: blocker or bystander?

The increasingly prosperous, mighty, and assertive China is arguably the most powerful country blocking democracy today. In addition to withholding democratic rights of one-fifth of the world's population, authoritarian China represents an alternative development model that has gained significant traction. China thus constitutes a challenge to democracy promoters. But does Beijing also countervail democracy promotion by the European Union and the United States? After a summary of the party-state's response to democracy promotion at home, we test the hypothesis that geostrategic interests or a perceived risk of regime survival will lead the People's Republic to countervail democracy promotion outside its own borders. We do so by focusing on the most likely cases in China's near-abroad: Myanmar and Hong Kong. Our analysis of Myanmar suggests that Beijing remains focused on securing economic and security interests irrespective of regime type when regime survival at home is not at risk. The case of Hong Kong, on the other hand, allows us to identify the tactics used by Beijing when there is a significant risk of democratic spillover. This case also demonstrates that the People's Republic of China is able to stifle United States and European Union democracy support when it wishes to do so.     

The Strategic Consensus between China and Russia

Ever since China and R ussia established strategic cooperative partnership,each country has had four successive governm ents headed by two different state leaders,along w ith m utual trust being in鄄 creased and the bilateralrelations im proved as well as greater internationalinfluence in the world.Itis noteworthy that the leaders of the two countries have extraordinary consensus and com m on view s on the world strategic situation and the policies to cope w ith the situation,which can be seen…     

The EU and Ukraine: Rhetorical Entrapment?

Recently there has been a trend towards the development of two rival sets of alliances in Eurasia: in effect, one Western‐oriented alignment led by the United States and Turkey, including Israel, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. On the other hand, a group of states resisting American and Turkish influence in the Caucasus and Central Asia is developing, led by Russia and Iran, including Syria and Armenia. One of the most important questions for the development of these alignments is their expansion into Central Asia; in this context Uzbekistan's role is crucial. Uzbekistan is the only Central Asian state to pursue a proactive and independent foreign policy, as exemplified in its relations with both its neighbors and great powers. Tashkent has developed close military and security relations with NATO and for a time seemed to hedge its bets on US support, but has lately shown signs of turning back toward increasing security cooperation with Russia and China. Given the strategic value of Uzbekistan and its role as a regional player in its own right, the future course of the country's policies is of great importance to the security of Eurasia.     

Strategic Interest Orientation of China and Latin America,and Advantages and Disadvantages to Realize It

For China and Latin America, the 21th century is a century inwhich great progress could be achieved. As the economic globalization sweeps its way across the world, interdependency between countries will be enhanced, and relations between China and Latin America tend to be even closer. What's more important, both sides consider its rela- tions with the other one on a strategic level. This serves as a new impe- tus to promote the bilateral relations in the new century. Judging by the present …     

Refugee Law and Protection in Brazil: a Model in South America?

Brazil has been committed to International Refugee Law sincethe 1950s. For much of this period, however, the country wasunder a dictatorship which made the implementation of refugeeprotection precarious, although refugees and asylum seekerscould count on the assistance of UNHCR and its implementingpartners—NGOs connected to the Catholic Church which remainpartners of UNHCR till today. Following re-democratization,Brazil has not only passed a specific law on refugees, but hasevolved to become a resettlement country. These changes haveled Brazil to be regarded as a model in refugee protection inSouth America. This paper aims to assess whether or not Brazilis fulfilling the said role by describing the evolution of refugeelaw and protection in the country.     

Great Reform of China＇s Diplomacy

With the implementation by China of the policy of reform and opening to the outside world, China＇s diplomacy has undergone a great reform of profound significance, and has made outstanding achievements. China＇s development and its diplomacy supplement, enrich and promote each other. The former provides good conditions for the latter＇s development, while the latter safeguards China＇s sovereignty and territorial integrity, creates a peaceful international environment for the country＇s cause of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics, and makes remarkable contributions to the great undertaking of reform and opening-up and the Four Modernizations.     

Changes in America‘s China Policy

Many Chinese are optimistic about Washington's China policy inBush's second term.Such expectation is based on the following judg-ments.First of all,after judgments and changes for several years,theBush administration has taken a more positive policy toward China onthe whole.Such a trend would continue and develop following Bush'sreelection.Traditionally,Republican government attaches greater im-portance to security.After the end of the Cold War,when the Republi-can Party is in power,Chin…     

The EU/China relationship: not seeing eye to eye?

I consider the endeavours exerted by the EU to develop the relationship with China which it formalised in its 1995 document ‘A Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations’ (COM(1995) 279 final). I then examine China’s responses which culminated in 2003 when China produced its first ever ‘China’s EU Policy Paper.’ The reasons for this long gap between initiation and response are then explored. Since, obviously, the EU has been driving the relationship, the rationale for this is then looked into and detailed data is provided to support it. Finally, the nature of China’s reciprocation is entertained before the paper concludes that the relationship appears to mean more to the EU because China perceives the EU as only having a limited role within China’s overall global aspirations, of becoming a world power in economic terms, resulting from its impressive rate of economic growth, increasing R&D expenditure, and continually enhancing sophistication of its technology, and politically with its developing links and military prowess.

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The EU–China energy cooperation: toward a reciprocal partnership?

The EU–China energy relationship had long been characterized by the “donor–recipient” paradigm, whereby the EU provided official development assistance to China. The EU’s assistance of China’s energy sector had been driven by normative, political, and commercial considerations. Today, the normative and political momentum in their energy relationship has been undermined, while energy investment and trade remain a difficult issue. Although the EU has been endeavoring to shape an overall “reciprocal” relationship with China, and stressing energy market access and reciprocity, China is not rushing into anything. The EU and China need to make greater efforts to find impetus for their energy cooperation, for which the involvement of business and industry actors is key. Until this is done, their energy partnership would likely remain a commitment to be fulfilled.

     

The African Growth and the Participation of China

The debate on the involvement of China in Africa remains active; here in Beijing and in other fields, specialists of different areas analyze, discuss, and they look for hidden intentions regarding the new economical relationships that China has established with the African continent. From the point of view of an African it is fair to recognize that China has brought Africa to the center of the interest of the great countries of the western world.     

The Democratic Parties and Party System in China

InChina'spoliticalsystem,besidestherulingCommunistPartyofChina(CPC),thereareeightdemocraticpoliticalpartiesparticipatinginthestateaffairs,namelytheRevolutionaryCommitteeoftheChineseKuomintang,ChinaDemocraticLeague,ChinaDemocraticNationalConstructionAssocia-tion,ChinaAssociationforPromotingDemocracy,ChinesePeasantsandWorkersDemocraticParty,ChinaZhiGongDang,JiuSanSocietyandTaiwanDemocraticSelf-GovernmentLeague.Initiatedandsponsoredmainlybypoliticalrepresentativesofthenationalbourg…     

The Use of Force—Stability and Instability: India,Pakistan, and China

This article evaluates the source of instability and stability in the India-Pakistan dyad and the Sino-Indian dyad. Challenging the dominant thesis that “means determine ends,” the article posits that the use of force by Pakistan renders the India-Pakistan relationship unstable, whereas the Sino-Indian relationship is significantly more stable because of the absence of force. The difference in the state of stability in both dyads is because the weaker state, Pakistan in its conflict with India has failed to accept the verdict of its military defeats. This failure to internalize irreversible military outcomes makes Pakistan particularly susceptible to employing forcible solutions to settle its dispute with India over Kashmir. The reality reverses in the Sino-Indian territorial dispute, in that India has implicitly accepted its military loss against China in 1962 and charted a diplomatic pathway in resolving the boundary dispute.     

The European Union and Iran: What Next?

EU-Iranian relations have reached a stalemate. EU engagement with Iran makes sense as long as it is accompanied by stringent sanctions that are imposed by the international community (i.e. E3?+?3 format and UNSC) and that focus on the nuclear file only. In the end, such an approach could allow the EU to find that delicate balance between the US position of imposing sanctions for the sake of sanctioning, thereby rendering them ineffective, and a Russian-Chinese position of applying minimal sanctions that would make them equally inefficient.     

Dealing with the Ambivalent Dragon: Can Engagement Moderate China’s Strategic Competition with America?

Can US engagement moderate China’s strategic competition with America? This study indicates that the answer is a qualified yes. Under unipolarity, a rising state may face both incentives to reach an accommodation with the hegemon and to expand its own stature and influence against the hegemonic dominance. The ambivalence of its intentions is structurally induced and reflects its uncertain stake in the hegemonic order. Consequently, a strategy of engagement may help the hegemon to promote cooperation over competition in dealing with an ascending power, but it does not necessarily eliminate the structural incentives for the competition. Against this theoretical backdrop, this study utilizes both qualitative and quantitative research to demonstrate that China’s reaction to American preeminence has long been marked by a profound ambivalence. Specifically, the findings suggest that while US engagement has some restraining impact on China’s competitive propensity, Beijing will continue to hedge against American hegemony, as its capabilities grow, by solidifying its diplomatic and strategic association with the developing world.