清洁生产实施障碍及政策手段浅析

本文对清洁生产的方法论、实例和技术方面业进行了探讨 ,认为推行清洁生产是实现工业持续发展的必然选择。清洁生产以污染物产生量、流失量和治理量达到最小和资源充分利用为目标 ,是实现经济效益和环境效益相统一的一种理想模式。但是 ,企业实施清洁生产存在一些内部的和外部的障碍 ,其中 ,缺少与企业实施清洁生产相配套的国家政策法规和激励机制是主要原因之一。因此 ,政府制定环境政策的重要着眼点要放在鼓励企业采取清洁生产方式 ,把环境管理政策作为企业实施清洁生产的一个重要激励手段。     

论清洁生产制度在立法上的完善

清洁生产作为可持续发展战略实施的重要保障,越来越受到各国政府的重视。我国已正式颁布了《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》,这对推行我国清洁生产发展起到了积极的作用。本文分析了我国清洁生产的立法现状,尤其是《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》存在的问题,并对我国清洁生产立法的完善提出了建议。     

论清洁生产和良性循环经济立法

自1972年“斯德哥尔摩人类环境会议”以来,每隔10年联合国环发大会就会对人类社会的发展提出新的标准和要求,如1992年联合国环发大会正式提出清洁生产;2002年联合国环发会议提出《约翰内斯堡可持续发展宣言》和《可持续发展实施计划》。清洁生产和良性循环经济立法与WTO规则、可持续发展之间是有机联系的一个整体。我国提出的发展清洁生产和良性循环经济立法、执法和司法等诸多问题,是我国进一步实现清洁生产和良性循环,以及经济发展的基本途径。     

强化源头预防 严把审核关口——解读新修订的清洁生产促进法

7月1日,新修改的《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》实施。早在2002年,清洁生产促进法经九届全国人大常委会第二十八次会议审议通过,今年初举行的十一届全国人大常委会第二十五次会议审议通过了这部修改后的法律。修改清洁生产促进法是贯彻落实中央关于转变发展方式的决定的具体体现。     

中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法

目录 第一章 总则 第二章 清洁生产的推行 第三章 清洁生产的实施 第四章 鼓励措施 第五章 法律责任 第六章 附则 第一章 总则 第一条 为了促进清洁生产,提高资源利用效率,减少和避免污染物的产生,保护和改善环境,保障人体健康,促进经济与社会可持续发     

清洁生产法的含义与本质辨析

清洁生产法是与狭义的、传统的污染控制法相对应的,是以确认并规范政府引导,促进甚至迫使工业企业实施清洁生产为基本目标的,以经济调节、环境信息公开、行政指导、行政合同以及行政强制等为内容的法律规范的总和,是广义污染控制法中重要的组成部分;其本质乃是基于生态规律、经济规律和社会规律的共同要求,为实现环境效益、经济效益与社会效益的和谐统一而确认和规范政府积极主动地、适当地干预经济领域,通过经济调控影响工业企业污染预防、清洁生产行为。     

绿色贸易壁垒与清洁生产立法

绿色贸易壁垒是新近出现的一种贸易保护主义手法,它对包括我国在内的发展中国家的产品进入国际市场构成障碍。面对这种压力,我们应采取积极的措施应对,清洁生产不失为一种理想的选择。国家正在起草清洁生产法,清洁生产法应当考虑到绿色贸易壁垒因素,对农产品适用清洁生产法、采用自愿与强制相结合办法推行清洁生产、政府对清洁生产给予财政税收支持以及政府对清洁生产负有的责任作出规定。     

论环境法在我国新型工业化进程中的作用--以《清洁生产促进法》为例

“新型工业化”思想是对我国多年来实施可持续发展、推行清洁生产和推进生态工业和循环经济的高度总结和概括。在实现新型工业化的过程中,以《清洁生产促进法》为代表的环境法发挥着引导、促进和保障等方面的重要作用,推动着经济、社会和环境的可持续发展。     

论我国清洁生产和循环经济立法与全球贸易

我国颁布实施《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》是我国发展清洁生产和循环经济重要举措。实现清洁生产和循环经济是时代发展的需要 ;实现清洁生产和循环经济是进行世界贸易交往的必要前提和条件。本文提出了我国实现清洁生产和循环经济的三项途径和办法。     

清洁生产审核暂行办法

国家环境保护总局令第16号为全面推行清洁生产,规范清洁生产审核行为,根据《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》和国务院有关部门的职责分工,国家发展和改革委员会、国家环境保护总局制定并审议通过了《清洁生产审核暂行办法》,现予以发布,自2004年10月1日起施行。国家发展和改革委员会主任马凯国家环境保护总局局长解振华二○○四年八月十六日第一章　总　　则第一条　为促进清洁生产,规范清洁生产审核行为,根据《中华人民共和国清洁生产促进法》,制定本办法。第二条　本办法所称清洁生产审核,是指按照一定程序,对生产和服务过程进行调查和诊…     

发展中国家应对美国碳关税策略分析

美国众议院2009年6月底通过了《美国清洁能源安全法案》。法案允许美国对来自没有采取与美国相当的温室气体减排措施国家的高能耗、初级进口产品征收"碳关税"。这对于经济技术水平明显落后于发达国家的发展中国家而言,无疑又是一种新的贸易壁垒。对此,发展中国家应该积极行动,通过建立南北自由贸易区、推动在联合国框架内的气候谈判以及积极参与碳标准制定等方式积极寻求对美国"碳关税"壁垒的突破。在减排与贸易、环保与经济增长间寻得平衡发展。     

Will International Investment Rules Obstruct Climate Protection Policies? An Examination of the Clean Development Mechanism

Rules governing the global environment and the international economy are currently decided in separate arenas. Yet, environmental agreements can have strong economic implications, particularly with the growing use of market mechanisms. Economic liberalization rules, meanwhile, may limit the effectiveness of environmental agreements. This paper assesses the potential interaction between one important market-based environmental mechanism – the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change – and the framework of international investment law.     

论我国清洁空气法的差别责任原则

由于不同地区、不同主体在历史的、经济的、意识的及现实需要等方面的差别,滥觞于国际环境法的差别责任原则也应该是我国清洁空气法的一项重要法律原则。在内容上,差别责任包括共同责任和区别责任,但区别责任绝不是不承担责任。以移动源排放标准为例,我国应坚持差别责任原则,不同地区、不同产业应区别对待,制定和实施不同的排放标准,而不能一刀切。     

Explaining differences in sub-national patterns of clean technology transfer to China and India

The Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has the capacity to incentivize the international transfer of environmentally sound technologies. Given that both countries are expected to have similar incentives when managing the distribution of technology transfer within the country, why do sub-national patterns in the allocation of projects with technology transfer differ? Using comparable political–economic data compiled for China and India, we offer an explanation for these differences. In China, where the government regards the CDM as a tool for achieving sustainable development, technology transfer is concentrated in provinces that need it the most and that are most conducive to receiving transfers (i.e., economically less developed, yet heavily industrialized provinces). In India, where the government takes on a “laissez-faire” approach to the CDM, neither level of economic development nor that of industrialization affects clean technology transfer. In this regard, although the incentives are similar, the capacity to pursue them is not comparable. We test these hypotheses using data on CDM technology transfer across Chinese provinces and Indian states during the 6-year period from 2004 to 2010.     

State GHG Regulation in a Trump Era: Energy Efficiency as BACT

With the Obama USEPA's Clean Power Plan unlikely to come to fruition under the incoming Trump administration, this article examines another avenue that states (or USEPA) may use to regulate GHG emissions from major stationary sources: by more aggressively pursuing energy efficiency as “best available control technology” under the Prevention of Significant Deterioration program of the Clean Air Act. This article argues that such regulation may validly include efficiency measures both “at-the-source” and—more ambitiously—“beyond the fence line.”     

China in the Asia–Pacific Partnership: consequences for UN climate change mitigation efforts?

This article discusses China’s motives for participation in the Asia–Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP), and whether this has or will have consequences for its participation and efforts in the UN track of international climate governance. In order to discuss these issues, it also provides an outline of key national priorities and explains the nature of China’s involvement in both the UN track and the APP. It suggests that the APP is a complement to the UN process, not a competitor, in the case of China. APP participation represents a win–win situation in terms of the transfer of technology and know-how for solving challenges related to energy security and greenhouse gas emissions. For the Chinese leadership, this seems preferable to taking on UN commitments which it fears would impede economic development. The APP’s projects also seem to complement the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism project in China. This article argues that there is little indication that China would make less of an effort under the UN track.

Genesis of the CDM: the original policymaking goals of the 1997 Brazilian proposal and their evolution in the Kyoto protocol negotiations into the CDM

A body of literature is emerging applying critical consideration to the Kyoto Protocol Clean Development Mechanism’s (‘CDM’) achievement of policy goals regarding sustainable development, geographical distribution of projects and related matters. This article places this literature in the context of the policymaking goals of the CDM’s Brazilian architects. The CDM arose from the Brazilian Proposal’s Clean Development Fund, and was negotiated between Brazil and the United States in the weeks preceding the Kyoto Conference of Parties. The CDM’s Brazilian architects continued to pursue their underlying policy goals by taking a leadership position in the Marrakesh Accords negotiations. During this period Brazil’s primary policy objectives comprised achieving meaningful mitigation of GHG emissions to avoid dangerous interference with the climate system, derailing a perceived US/IPCC initiative to allocate emissions cap obligations in the Kyoto Protocol on the basis of current emissions, and taking a leadership position both among the G-77 and China and in the multilateral climate negotiations as a whole. The CDM arose in this context from the G-77 and China’s desire to coerce the North’s compliance with the North’s emissions cap obligations through an alternative means of compliance. As a result, there was no focus on broad conceptions of sustainable development, or on broad distribution of CDM projects throughout the South. Instead, the CDM’s Brazilian architects envisioned that CDM-related sustainable development would arise exclusively from the presence of the CDM projects. Similarly, the Brazilian Proposal advocated allocation of the Clean Development Fund on a basis proportionate to each non-Annex I countries projected 1990–2010 greenhouse gas emissions. These views persisted through the evolution of the Clean Development Fund into the CDM and through Marrakesh Accords negotiations. This article argues that the CDM has largely met the policy goals of its Brazilian architects and that the pursuit of different, additional, refined or more nuanced policy goals necessitates corresponding refinements to the CDM, or any successor mechanism, specifically targeting those different, additional, refined or more nuanced policy objectives, lending support to the emerging literature proposing changes to the CDM to pursue corresponding policy objectives.     

政府在农业结构调整中的经济职责

农业生产规模小、利润少;市场调节具有一定的盲目性;农业结构调整需要信息服务和生产技术指导;进一步推进农业结构调整难等原因制约了农业产业结构的调整。因此,为确保农业产业结构调整的顺利进行,在农业结构调整中,政府必须履行宏观调控、规划指导、政策扶持、信息引导、科技提供、法制保障等经济职责。政府在履行上述经济职责时,要以全新的理念作指导;以农民增收为目标;以市场为导向;着力提高我国农业和农产品的市场竞争力。     

法律手段在社会主义宏观经济调控中的作用

宏观经济调控,是社会化大生产的客观要求,而法律手段,则是宏观经济调控的重要措施之一。它不仅自身对经济运行起着调控作用,同时也是其他调控手段得以实施的基础性框架。法律手段也有其局限性,因此,在社会主义宏观经济调控中,应综合运用包括法律在内的多种手段。