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1.
The career of Lewis S. Feuer spanned several disciplines—Philosophy, Sociology, Politics, and History (especially the History of Ideas); his books and articles covered several centuries, and were devoted primarily to exposing the emotional undercurrents that animated the thought of intellectuals. Feuer tended to be highly suspicious of intellectuals, because they were susceptible to the allure of ideologies, which masked a dangerous will to power. His greatest achievement was to connect the contours of political and social thought to the drives of persons and to the context of institutions; his greatest limitation was to miss, at least in the United States, the deeper problem of popular hostility to science and to knowledge itself.  相似文献   

2.
Anthony King thought and wrote a great deal about British prime ministers and political leadership more generally. But in contrast to the way in which single papers embodied his contribution to our understanding of ‘government overload’, ‘executive‐legislative relations’ and ‘career politicians’, his contribution to our understanding of the prime ministership was defined by a body of work. This essay explores that body of work and identifies some of the themes that characterised it. It then relates King's work to claims about the ‘presidentialisation’ of the office, as well as the importance of the expectations surrounding contemporary prime ministers. As Britain grapples with the challenge of Brexit, we should all take note of his counsel against expecting too much in the way of ‘strong’ prime ministerial leadership.  相似文献   

3.
4.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4-5):341-363
ABSTRACT

Larrimore's essay reads Kant's pioneering work in the theory of race in the context of his thought as a whole. Kant wrote on race for most of his career; at different stages of his thinking, race assured meaning in human diversity, confirmed the value of a practical-reason-informed understanding of human destiny, and provided a model for the ‘pragmatic’ knowledge of what ‘man can and should make of himself’. ‘Race’ was invented in 1775 as an advertisement for the new disciplines of geography and anthropology that Kant inaugurated and promoted throughout his career. Giving new meaning to a foreign (French) term associated with animal husbandry, Kant presented the (supposedly) exceptionlessly hereditary traits of race as the first fruit of a truly scientific ‘natural history’ of humanity. His concerns were not merely classificatory; his four-race schema, modeled on the temperaments, allowed a special status for Whites as at once a race and the transcendence of race (Kant invented ‘whiteness’ as well as ‘race’). The notion of ‘race’ was refined in essays Kant published in the 1780s, in the same journal as his celebrated essays on Enlightenment and the philosophy of history. It was given a new status, rather than displaced, by the critical turn. Granted a sanction ‘similar’ to the postulates of pure practical reason, its empirical verification would confirm Kant's whole critical system. Kant's theory of race came into its own in the 1790s, gaining wide acceptance. He relied on familiarity with it (and its lingering association with animal husbandry) in explaining the larger project of the ‘pragmatic anthropology’ without which he thought human progress impossible. Understanding how the concept of race contributed to Kant's more familiar and still appealing intellectual and practical concerns, we gain a better sense of its fateful and enduring attractiveness in subsequent eras.  相似文献   

5.
Benjamin Serby 《Society》2018,55(2):142-145
This essay examines Richard Hofstadter’s The American Political Tradition, alongside some of his unpublished writings from the 1940s, in order to reassess his contributions to the history of American political culture and thought. After exploring some of the implications of Hofstadter’s critical analysis of mid-century liberalism, the essay then considers how we might bring his insights into the present.  相似文献   

6.
Jonathan D. Sarna 《Society》2013,50(4):352-355
From 1976–1988, Lewis Feuer produced a series of significant papers in American Jewish History dealing with such subjects as Harry Wolfson, Joachim Gaunse, the history of Jews in the American academy, James Joseph Sylvester, and more. In each case, Feuer glimpsed himself in what he studied. He selected and viewed his subjects from the perspective of his own life, values and intellectual concerns.  相似文献   

7.
马金戈 《学理论》2012,(12):264-266
当前,部队军官面临的职业高原现象已经成为其职业生涯中值得关注的重要问题之一。它不仅造成军官面临个人职业困境,同时也阻碍部队的整体建设和战斗力生成。文章对军官职业高原现象进行了相应的阐述和分析,同时从组织和个人两个角度对如何解决该问题提出了相应的参考性对策。  相似文献   

8.
Gordon Tullock is one of the world’s leading economists. Even more so than Chicago’s Gary Becker, Tullock has extended the rational choice model into areas previously judged to lie outside the realm of economics. This essay identifies Tullock’s contributions to constitutional political economy, public choice, bureaucracy, the law, and bio-economics. The essay focuses attention most especially on Tullock’s pioneering contributions to public choice, including his twenty-year editorship of Public Choice.  相似文献   

9.
Lionel S. Lewis 《Society》2013,50(6):610-622
This is the fourth in a series of five articles on the Bernard Madoff con game. This essay is about the arrangements between some ropers, those that solicited money for Madoff and his investment company, Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities (BLMIS). Ropers lure victims/marks/clients/investors into a con game. The focus of this essay is on, what began as an accounting firm, Avellino and Bienes (A & B), Madoff’s own roping operation, Cohmad Securities, and Robert M. Jaffe, a well-connected competitive golfer. Madoff’s ropers were generously rewarded for their efforts at bringing in money to keep his con game going.  相似文献   

10.
Jason Morgan 《Society》2017,54(3):238-245
The birth rate in Japan is among the lowest in the world. But what about the abortion rate? This essay examines changes in abortion practice in Japan over time, and especially after WWII and the passage of the 1948 Eugenic Protection Law, comparing the influence of Buddhism, Protestantism, and Catholicism on the practice of abortion in Japan. This essay takes a particular look at the career of Dr. Kikuta Noboru, who helped revolutionize Japanese adoption laws after his conversion to Christianity.  相似文献   

11.
Gary Marx’s work on surveillance is important to those concerned about the causes and implications of modern surveillance technologies. This essay addresses the themes of reality, complexity, and transdisciplinarity that are prominent in all of Marx’s work including his 2016 book, Windows into the Soul: Surveillance and Society in an Age of High Technology.  相似文献   

12.
David Lowery 《Public Choice》2013,154(3-4):163-171
This essay is a memorial piece about Vincent Ostrom (September 25, 1919–June 29, 2012). I start by reviewing his academic history and then turn to Professor Ostrom’s major intellectual legacy—his effort to overturn the dominant paradigm in public administration and political science on metropolitan government reform. The three most important contributions of his work are discussed, including the introduction of public goods theory into the study of public administration and his work on quasimarkets and the Tiebout model. Three controversies or conundrums raised by his work are then discussed. Finally, the essay considers whether Professor Ostrom was ultimately successful in his effort to overthrow the traditional approach to the production and delivery of public goods at the city government level.  相似文献   

13.
B. Purcell 《Society》2018,55(4):368-372
After an abbreviated biography of Voegelin, the essay unfolds the six ‘key elements’ the Reader’s editors focus on. There’s Voegelin’s grounded rejection of positivism in human inquiry, his labor to recover the wisdom of the past, along with a theoretical attempt to articulate a philosophy of the conscious experiences underlying a philosophical anthropology. He explored the equivalent differentiations of this human consciousness in terms of mythic, classic philosophic, and Judeo-Christian formulations. This led him to characterize much of modernity as an attempt to immanentize the transcendent in this world rather than beyond. And underlying all of these elements was his understanding of philosophy as a participation in the eschatological movement of history,’ in conformation ‘to the Platonic-Aristotelian practice of dying.’  相似文献   

14.
Patrick Newman 《Public Choice》2018,174(3-4):257-275
This paper argues that Senator John Sherman of Ohio was motivated to introduce an antitrust bill in late 1889 partly as a way of enacting revenge on his political rival, General and former Governor Russell Alger of Michigan, because Sherman believed that Alger personally had cost him the presidential nomination at the 1888 Republican national convention. When discussing his bill on the Senate floor and elsewhere, Sherman repeatedly brought up Alger’s relationship, which in reality was rather tenuous, with the well-known Diamond Match Company. The point of mentioning Alger was to hurt Alger’s future political career and his presidential aspirations in 1892. Sherman was able to pursue his revenge motive by combining it with the broader Republican goals of preserving high tariffs and attacking the trusts. As a result, this paper reinforces previous public choice literature arguing that the 1890 Sherman Act was not passed in the public interest, but instead advanced private interests.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

This paper reflects critically on the late-modern obsession with health by presenting Descartes as an almost ideal type of the health-conscious subject. Descartes’ life, works and death are interpreted from the unlikely combination of the theoretical perspectives of Charles Taylor and Jean Baudrillard. Despite significant differences, both of these theorists rely heavily on Weber's concept of disenchantment, and each develops a ‘punctual’ concept in their analysis of modernity. Specifically, the paper combines Taylor's ‘punctual self’, which can remake itself at will, with Baudrillard's ‘punctual death’, which presents death as a meaningless terminus. Viewing Descartes through these punctual concepts, it becomes clear that the extensive anatomical investigations he conducted throughout his career shaped his uniquely modern stance towards death and health. However, Descartes maintained an ambivalent relationship with traditional conceptions of death and health, which prevented him from fully embracing modern health-consciousness. The paper concludes with a reconsideration of Descartes’ ‘premature’ death, which invites critical reflection on the role that the predictable behaviour of health-conscious subjects plays in the ever-expanding biomedical order.  相似文献   

16.
This essay compares the ideas of Cornelius Castoriadis and Terrence W. Deacon. Castoriadis’s anti-Naturalistic ontology, with its conception of radical ontological creation and fundamental indeterminacy, along with his analysis of the category of the “for-itself”, comprising all subjective beings from the living organism to the social-historical, is compared to Deacon’s exploration of the emergence of life and mind, which sees the emergence of teleological beings as resulting from the creation of form-generating constraints that involve new types of dynamic process. Significant parallels and convergences between Castoriadis and Deacon are uncovered and explored.  相似文献   

17.
Peter Kuryla 《Society》2018,55(2):153-156
This essay concerns the writerly features of Richard Hofstadter’s The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It. Of particular interest is how Hofstadter structured his arguments in the book, his modes and methods. There is also speculation as to whether readers today should feel nostalgia for Hofstadter’s verve and wit as a writer when the idea of the political in the book is so narrow, concerned primarily with economic motivations and interests. The two issues—memorable observation and the shrinking of the political—can hardly be disentangled. The “realism” of the historical figures in the book created the space for some of Hofstadter’s more memorable and cutting observations.  相似文献   

18.
The third volume of David Garland's trilogy attempts to characterize recent developments in the field of crime control and criminal justice in terms of the emergence of a ‘culture of control’. For these purposes the author claims to use the genealogical method developed by Michel Foucault. This essay argues that Garland's selective reliance on this method amounts to an undoing of the Foucauldian ‘project’ insofar as it re-introduces the objectivity/subjectivity dichotomy which Foucault had tried to subvert throughout his work. This undoing entails profound consequences for the politics of The Culture of Control, which concludes on a reformist proposition that forsakes a form of resistance grounded on the awareness of its own, intrinsic limitations.  相似文献   

19.
This Administrative Profile charts the remarkable career of Eli Rosenbaum, currently the director of human rights enforcement strategy and policy in the Human Rights and Special Prosecution Section of the Criminal Division in the United States Department of Justice. Until very recently he served as the director of the DOJ’s Office of Special Investigations (OSI)that was recently merged into Human Rights and Special Prosecutions. He held the OSI Directorship since 1995 and this essay focuses on his accomplishments as the OSI director. The prosecution of Nazi collaborators now is situated in Human Rights and Special Prosecutions. During the OSI directorship, he successfully targeted and prosecuted Nazi collaborators as well as global terrorists. Mission‐specific recruitment and team building by Rosenbaum were key factors in his effective leadership at OSI. Managing this unique agency required affective (emotional) skills in addition to cognitive and technical expertise.  相似文献   

20.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):152-177
ABSTRACT

Macklin and Fowlie explore the political life of Count Potocki de Montalk, a poet, pagan and pretender to the Polish throne. Count Potocki is perhaps most famous as a minor cause célèbre among London’s literary intelligentsia after his imprisonment for obscene libel in 1932. Historians, when they consider him at all, often discount him, viewing him as little more than a colourful eccentric, a view reinforced by Stephanie de Montalk’s fascinating biography of the man, which appeared in 2001. Eccentric he most certainly was. However, as this article demonstrates, Potocki also played a key role as an enabler of fascist and extreme right-wing activism through the services he provided myriad groups as a printer of their literature, a career that spanned the interwar and post-war periods. The article examines how his preposterous pursuit of the Polish Crown, coupled with the innate elitism this engendered, led him to reject egalitarianism and democracy and embrace fascism. While the Spanish Civil War saw an outpouring of literature from his literary contemporaries in support of the Spanish Republic, Potocki responded by establishing The Right Review as a mouthpiece for his own personal mélange of monarchism and fascism. Utilizing newly released security service files combined with archival research in the newly deposited Searchlight archive at Northampton University, this article pays closer attention to the political side of Potocki’s activities than has hitherto been the case, particularly his wartime publishing activities. This includes his anti-Soviet pamphlet on the Katyn massacre, which caused great vexation in government circles for fear of the harm Potocki’s (correct) accusations might do to relations with Britain’s crucial wartime ally. The authors conclude with a detailed examination of the role Potocki played in post-war National Socialist networks, for both personal and political ends, not least of which was his continued efforts to further his claim to the Polish throne, which he never ceased to believe was his by divine right.  相似文献   

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