理解恐怖分子的行为激进化:一个整合性分析框架

当前在对恐怖分子激进化的分析中存在“激进化是否遵循线性的发展道路”和“思想激进化与行为激进化的区分是否必要”的争议,导致对激进化的理解存在困惑。在坚持非线性组织方式、思想与行为二分法的基础上,构建了一个分析恐怖分子行为激进化的整合性分析框架,即对经验研究中的推动、拉动和中介因素进行了区分和统合。推动因素表现为个体或群体的失控、焦虑、羞辱、不满、怨恨等负面情绪,拉动因素表现为恐怖组织提供的“圣战”、重建“哈里发国”、“末日决战”等极端主义意识形态;而人际网络、虚拟网络与大众传媒在行为激进化中发挥着中介因素的作用。理解恐怖分子的行为激进化具有一定的理论与现实意义。就理论意义而言,可以借此探究恐怖主义的产生原因。就现实意义而言,从负面情绪、意识形态、网络与大众传媒三个方面对恐怖主义进行整合性治理,能提高恐怖主义全球治理的有效性。     

印度尼西亚伊斯兰法律制度改革试析

印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,独立后对伊斯兰教法进行改革,制定1974年婚姻法,编纂《伊斯兰教法汇编》,完善伊斯兰法庭,加强了伊斯兰教法的规范化、制度化、专业化,使之适应现代社会,同时加强了国家对伊斯兰的控制。     

Manufacturing the Jihad in Europe: The Islamic State’s Strategy

ABSTRACT

As the Islamic State (IS) caliphate in the Middle East has collapsed, it is seeking to extend its influence elsewhere, particularly in Europe where there are existing inter-communal tensions to exploit. IS has deployed the management of savagery doctrine through acts of terrorism as part of its strategy to increase polarisation by exacerbating fear and distrust among communities, encouraging sympathies for far-right actors among non-Muslims and potentially alienating counterterrorism policies by governments, pushing Muslims out of what it terms the ‘grey zone’. The desired outcome is to drain state resources and showcase Europe as hostile to Muslims, promoting the notion of a ‘war on Islam’.     

Framing hostage negotiations: analysing the discourse of the US government and the Islamic State

Since August 2014, there has been a marked increase in the violence perpetrated by the Islamic State against Western hostages. Videos released by the Islamic State depicting the brutal executions of hostages have been circulated widely on social media. This has prompted a dialogue about governments’ policies regarding negotiation with terrorist organisations to secure the release of their citizens held overseas. The United States and Britain, two non-negotiating countries, have faced significant criticism for this policy, which has led to the beheadings of several American and British citizens. This article analyses the discourse of two spokesmen – White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, and British hostage John Cantlie – in framing the issue of hostage negotiations on behalf of their organisations. A grounded theory approach informed by framing analysis is utilised in order to identify dominant discourses employed in White House press briefings and John Cantlie’s videos and articles. This article concludes that, through the deliberate use of discourse, the US government and the Islamic State shape public perception of hostage negotiations in pursuit of distinct policy goals.     

The Disengagement of Indonesian Jihadists: Understanding the Pathways

While much research has been conducted on the radicalization of Muslim militants from Jemaah Islamiyah, its spinoffs, and splinter factions; the historical roots of Indonesian radical movements; and their ideological underpinnings, far less analysis has centered on how and why individual militants may come to disengage from violence. Disengagement is defined as a gradual process through which a member of a terror group, radical movement, gang, or cult comes to reject the use of terror methods in pursuit of their goals. Utilizing original fieldwork conducted between 2010 and 2014, with fifty current and former members of Islamist extremist groups in Indonesia, this article will unpack the patterns, pathways, religious considerations, and psychological processes that propel individual militants to turn away from violence.     

The Islamic State and the New Tribalism

This article focuses on the apocalyptic zeitgeist of the Islamic State through the lens of what we call the New Tribalism. It finds that IS emerged from the Al Qaeda (AQ) milieu, but soon split with AQ as the messianic excitement surrounding Al-Baghdadi and his teachings grew. In common with previous millennial/messianic movements in all three “Peoples of the Book”—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—IS soon evolved beyond the laws of the normative faith (antinomianism). We hold that for this reason, despite its claims of faith and fealty, IS has left the Islamic Umah behind, becoming a malign sectarian group of its own whose dynamism and successes are attracting a global audience and support from Muslims in almost every country. This helps to explain such abhorrent practices as forced conversion, sexual servitude, the destruction of historic artifacts, and mass executions. We find that the American invasion of Iraq was the vital first step in a series of events, which gave birth to IS. A thorough review of IS history and political culture traces these historic moments in time.     

The unlikely terrorist: women and Islamic resistance in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories

Islamic resistance groups in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories have been accused of using terrorist tactics to achieve their aims. Although some critics suggest that such groups may also have hijacked the democratic agenda in ways that disadvantage women, their supporters claim that they are promoting a model of modernity that is empowering women. This article examines the reasons why some Lebanese Shi'i and Palestinian women support the resistance against Israeli invasion and occupation that is justified in terms of religion. Far from seeing the actions of Hizbullah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian territories as acts of terrorism, many women welcome the resistance as it brings dignity and meaning to their lives and enhances feelings of national identification.     

伊斯兰女性主义探析:马来西亚伊斯兰姐妹的经验

伊斯兰姐妹是马来西亚著名的非政府组织,属于伊斯兰女性主义,致力于在伊斯兰的框架下维护公正和妇女权利。该组织通过重新解释《古兰经》,指出伊斯兰是追求公正和性别平等的宗教;通过宣传教育、向政府递交备忘录、发表公开信和声明等方式,提高公众觉悟、影响政府政策和法律制定;还通过法律援助,帮助在婚姻中处于弱势的穆斯林妇女。伊斯兰姐妹将伊斯兰与民主、人权联系起来,维护妇女的权利,有力地挑战了宗教权威对伊斯兰解释的垄断权,也有力地回击了伊斯兰主义对妇女的说教。     

Universal soldiers or parochial actors: Understanding jihadists as products of their environments

ABSTRACT

Why did the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) and Jabhat al-Nusra (JN)—two groups that shared similar ideological preferences and were both initially part of the Al Qaeda network—take different paths in the Syrian conflict? Part of the answer lies in the fact that JN is primarily a Syrian organization, whereas Iraqis lead ISIS. A jihadist group’s relationship to its country of origin and domicile (the two are not always the same) helps to explain that organization’s ideological preferences and alliance behavior. Yet no method of categorization based on jihadist-state relations exists. I fill this gap by theorizing an explanatory typology based on a jihadist group’s relationship with its country of origin and/or domicile. This typology consists of two tiers. The first classifies jihadist organizations based on whether they are nationally homogeneous or heterogeneous, and whether they are based in their country of origin, exile, or multiple locations. The second tier categorizes groups based on the nature of their engagement—collaborative, belligerent, or neutral—with a state. This new typology enables the generation of multiple hypotheses and has practical implications given that most U.S. counterterrorism efforts require cooperation from partner nations.     

Running the Blockade: Information Technology,Terrorism, and the Transformation of Islamic Mass Culture

Arab media is no longer limited to state-sponsored sources, opening a door of opportunity to the Muslim world. Islamic terrorist groups leverage information technology to form resilient, networked organizations that influence how many Muslims perceive events and U.S. political goals. This article looks at the connection between information technology and cultural transformation in the Middle East. It focuses on how information technology—as the major weapon system in the battle of ideas—has been used effectively by Islamic extremists and less so by the U.S. Important conclusions are drawn regarding the necessity of culturally-attuned uses of information technology.     

全球化时代下国家转型的多样性：对新加坡经验的再反思

从全球化的推动性效应出发,先行研究强调,随着经济开放性的日益提高,“治理型相互依赖”是各国政企关系的发展趋势。正是这种特殊的关系,增强了国家面对全球化挑战的转型能力。新加坡常被认为是证实此假说的典型案例。然而,通过对新加坡政治经济的深入挖掘,本文认为,新加坡并不存在这种“治理型相互依赖”的政企关系。主要原因有三：（1）国家长期对外部威胁的感知;（2）政府与企业利益缺乏统一性;（3）私有企业长期性弱小。通过对新加坡案例的再反思,本文进一步指出,在全球化时代下,各国的转型能力与转型路径并非是“趋同”的。而这种差异性往往取决于国内工业结构与政府角色的特征。     

The media,civil society and democracy in South Africa: State of the Nation Address 2015

This article reports on an investigation into the events surrounding the State of the Nation Address in 2015 (SONA2015), during which opposition party members interrupted proceedings to raise questions about the controversial R208-million security upgrade to South African President Jacob Zuma's personal homestead, Nkandla, in KwaZulu-Natal, using public funds. The event raised issues about the constitutionality of the use of police in the National Assembly; the use of cell phone blocking devices; and the fact that television broadcasters were not allowed to broadcast the events as they happened. The investigation drew on a quantitative content analysis of print media coverage of SONA2015, as well as qualitative interviews with members of the Right2Know (R2 K) campaign in Cape Town and Durban. It explored their activities to “take back Parliament” and calling for a “people's Parliament”. At the core of the investigation was the role of civil society in the media-politics nexus with regard to strengthening democracy and democratic participation in South Africa, through an exploration of the case study.     

“关东州”的殖民文化研究——以日语教育为中心

"关东州"的日语教育始于日俄战争期间,随着租借期限的延长,其殖民教育政策及措施在不断地发展。到"九.一八"事变之前,其奴化教育体系已然成型,同时,为了长期维护日本的殖民统治,推进普及日语教育策略,还建立了奖励学习外语的"语学检定"制度。在《关东州人教育令》颁布后,奴化教育达到了顶峰,以实现对大连地区乃至整个东北进行文化侵略和殖民奴化教育的目的。     

Social Structure and Citizenship: Examining the Impacts of Social Setting,Network Heterogeneity,and Informational Variables on Political Participation

In this study, we develop a model of the interplay between sociostructural determinants of an individual's discussion behavior, such as the setting of primary discussion networks (work, church, and volunteer groups) and the nature of discussion (i.e., level of exposure to non-like-minded ideas), and individual-level outcomes, such as hard news media use, political knowledge, and participation in political processes. In doing so, we synthesize many of the different and sometimes competing models that political communication scholars have used to examine the link between more macroscopic sociological variables and the individual-level behaviors that political scientists often focus on. Data to test our theoretical model come from a national telephone survey conducted in October and November 2002. Our analysis showed that the social setting in which citizens discuss politics is an important antecedent of political participation. Discussion networks as part of volunteer groups, for example, indeed serve as important networks of recruitment. In other words, discussing politics frequently in this setting is positively and directly linked to political activity. The impact of conversational networks in church and work settings on participation, however, is only indirect. In fact, our data show that the impact of church and work networks on political participation is to a significant degree mediated by the different viewpoints that individuals are exposed to when they discuss politics in these settings.