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1.
1856-1862年是M.H.卡特科夫的自由主义时代,也是他政治和社会思想形成、发展和变化的时期.他不仅将《俄罗斯导报》办成俄国最著名的文学杂志之一,还利用它大力宣传英国的政治思想、制度特点和改革经验,希望以此来指导俄国的改革,使其成为俄国自由主义的阵地.同时卡特科夫是渐进式改革的坚决维护者,他认为激进的手段不仅不会实现改革的目标,反而会给社会造成巨大的伤害,破坏已经取得的改革成果.在与赫尔岑等虚无主义者的论战中,卡特科夫逐渐从自由走向保守.  相似文献   

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During the 1930s and 1940s Keynes developed the vision of a world in which every country would be able to pursue its own New Deal. He believed in the Second World War that Anglo‐American partnership would provide the foundations of this benevolent new order. But his enterprise was frustrated by Washington's insistence on economic orthodoxy. It was an outcome which left Keynes pessimistic about the prospects for international economic cooperation. However the prejudices of Keynes's first biographer, Roy Harrod, in combination with the political exigencies of the early cold war period, obscured the extent of his disillusionment.  相似文献   

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Because of its dynamic nature, those confronting the al-Qaeda threat must follow its evolution very closely. As demonstrated here, this task is particularly challenging when counterterrorism is carried out under the aegis of international organizations. This article explores the threat identification function of the al-Qaeda Sanctions Committee (also known as the 1267 Committee) charged with supervising the UN sanctions regime against al-Qaeda and its associates. Examination of the role of threat identification in the committee's work, and of the content of the threat analysis presented in the periodic reports of its subsidiary monitoring team, suggests the marginality of strategic threat assessment and underscores the constraints created by bureaucratic and political factors. The article also demonstrates the failure of the Committee and the monitoring team to thoroughly engage in central questions regarding al-Qaeda's nature, objectives, and organizational strategy.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This study evaluates the popular hypothesis that poverty, inequality, and poor economic development are root causes of terrorism. Employing a series of multiple regression analyses on terrorist incidents and casualties in ninety-six countries from 1986 to 2002, the study considers the significance of poverty, malnutrition, inequality, unemployment, inflation, and poor economic growth as predictors of terrorism, along with a variety of political and demographic control variables. The findings are that, contrary to popular opinion, no significant relationship between any of the measures of economic development and terrorism can be determined. Rather, variables such as population, ethno-religious diversity, increased state repression and, most significantly, the structure of party politics are found to be significant predictors of terrorism. The article concludes that “social cleavage theory” is better equipped to explain terrorism than are theories that link terrorism to poor economic development.  相似文献   

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Approaches to terrorism and peacebuilding have a complex relationship with each other, which may be explained according to four categories outlined in this article. These range from blocking each others’ aims, nullifying terrorism, supporting a very limited, or a broader peace process. Each of these categories has implications for the inclusion and reconciliation of a wide range of actors and the hybrid nature of the emerging peace. This relates to the critical approach of using theory to create emancipatory forms of peace, which is used as a basis for the examination of the production of hybridity via the interaction of approaches to terrorism and peacebuilding in five cases in this article. These include Sri Lanka, Kashmir, the Middle East, Nepal, and Northern Ireland. We argue that “post-liberal” possibilities for a hybrid form of peace (which are inherent in such conflicts) offer a “post-terrorist” potential for peace processes.  相似文献   

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China, the United States and Japan are all nations of crucial importance in the Asia-Pacific region. They exert a decisive influence on the evolvement of strategic structure in the region in the twenty-first century. To a certain extent the world future will depend on the three countries as well as the development of their mutual relations. The  相似文献   

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In recent months,Sino-American relations have been experiencing sort of an-other round of tensions,which have raised new concerns from both sides,al-though the optimism and hope for further development built up after a major break-through last summer still persist,especially at working levels.For those who knowthe history of Sino-American relations through the last two decades,the current  相似文献   

10.
The Concepts and Theories of Modern Democracy by Anthony H. Birch. London: Routledge, 1993. Pp.vi + 260; 2 indices, bibliography. £40 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 415 09108 X and 091071

Democracy: The Unfinished Journey 508 BC to AD 1993 edited by John Dunn. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. £11.95 (corrected paperback edition 1993). Pp.xii + 290; index, further reading list. ISBN 0 19 827934 5

Democracy by Ross Harrison. London: Routledge, 1993, Pp.ix + 246; index. £35 (hardback). ISBN 0 415 03254 7

Democracy and Complexity by Danilo Zolo. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992. £39.50 (hardback); £11.95 paperback). Pp.xii + 202; index, bibliography. ISBN 0 74 561 095 1 and  相似文献   

11.

Augustus Richard Norton, Amal and the Shi'a: Struggle for the Soul of Lebanon. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1987. Pp. xxii + 238.

Leonard Weinberg and William Lee Eubank, The Rise and Fall of Italian Terrorism. London and Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987. Pp.155.

Robin Erica Wagner‐Pacifici, The Moro Morality Play: Terrorism as Social Drama. London and Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986. Pp.360.

Leonardo Sciascia, The Moro Affair. London: Carcanet Press, 1987. Pp.175.  相似文献   

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As the hegemonic country in the world system, U. S. national strategy is global and multi-directional. Since September 11, 2001, America has made series of adjustments in its global strategy, including adjustment in security focus and change of security means. Come what may, since America has become the superpower in the world system, its national strategy has always been between offensive and integration. In a sense, current American strategy is the combination of the two. Although different government would tilt toward one direction, none of  相似文献   

13.

Augustus Richard Norton and Martin H. Greenberg, The International Relations of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Carbondale and Edwardsville, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989. Pp.233.

Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse (eds.), Jahrbuch Extremlsmus und Demokratie. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 1989. Pp.379.

Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse, Politlscher Extremlsmus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Band I: Llteratur, Pp.312; Band II: Analyse, Pp.384; Band III: Dokumentation, Pp.344; Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik Berend von Nottbeck, 1989.

Richard L. Clutterbuck, Terrorism and Guerrilla Warfare: Forecasts and Remedies. London: Routlege, 1990. Pp.235. £25 (hardback).

President's Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism, Report to the President. Washington, DC: US. Government Printing Office, 1990. Pp.v + 182.  相似文献   

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Since the beginning of the new century, the rising of India and development of U.S.-Indian strategic relations have been a focus of attention of the international community. Back in the first term of the Bush administration, the two governments had alread…  相似文献   

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Four angles come to mind for an examination of vicissitudes in U. S. international power. You may take either a longer time span in as- sessing the basic situation of contemporary international power configu- ration and U. S. clout or opt for a much shorter time span in your sur- vey , say from the September 11 events up to the Iraq war. Or rather, you may start with the war on Iraq and focus on recent reverses in U. S. international power. Finally, a medium- to- long-range perspective is …  相似文献   

19.
布什政府上台以来,始终未能阻止朝鲜拥核步伐.朝核试后,美对朝政策有了新的调整,六方会谈得以复会.但美朝双方受各自国家利益和政策目标的限制,在朝鲜半岛无核化问题上的尖锐分歧难以解决,朝核危机仍存在再度升级的可能.  相似文献   

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