国际条约在我国国内法上的地位及 与国内法冲突的预防和解决

我国缔结或参加的国际条约在国内法律体系中的地位是: 由全国人大常 委会批准和废除的条约和重要协定与国内一般法律具有同等法律效力,低于根本大 法———《宪法》和基本法律; 由国务院核准的条约和协定,其法律效力与国内行政法规 等同; 而无须全国人大常委会批准或国务院核准的协定,其法律效力与国内规章等 同。这样明确国际条约在我国国内法中的效力等级有利于我国积极主动地捍卫国家 利益,亦符合国际实践的习惯作法。我国制定国内法,同时参与制定国际条约,首先 应避免国际条约与国内法冲突的出现。如果同位的国际条约与国内法潜在着冲突或 已经发生冲突,我国应坚持解释一致原则和条约优先原则去解决冲突。     

中国与国际条约六十年

本文结合国际法和国际关系两个学科总结中国与国际条约六十年的得与失,阐释了中国与国际条约关系的特点,总结了中国形成的独特而不断演变的国际法观念,以及中国在条约外交中扮演的参与者、负责任者、维护者、倡导者和批判者角色。最后指出中国条约外交和条约适用中存在的问题,并对中国如何认识和对待国际条约,如何在国家利益和国际责任之间做出巧妙的平衡提出自己的思考。     

中国-东盟自由贸易区进程与外商直接投资政策协调机制构建

20世纪90年代以来,外商直接投资(FDI)在全球经济中的地位越来越重要,FDI在中国经济中的作用也是毋庸置疑的.然而,中国-东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)框架下流入中国的FDI在今后是否能够维持或进一步发展,不仅仅取决于中国经济的自身状况,也取决于CAFTA成员国之间的政策协调,以求共赢.     

越南投资条约改革及启示

进入21世纪后,越南吸收世界范围的改革经验,并突出东盟特色,对其投资条约进行了改革,成就显著,但改革的系统性、均衡性、发展性尚有欠缺。中越投资条约或需如是完善：及时终止两国1992年双边投资保护条约及其“日落条款”,明确最惠国待遇条款不适用于第三方条约中的程序及实体性规定,以增强系统性;及时回应投资仲裁实践暴露出来的新问题,扩大投资仲裁庭可受理的投资争端范围,以求取均衡性;为东道国和投资者均设定推动可持续发展的条约义务,以培育发展性。     

论国际人权条约实施的国际监督制度

国际监督制度对于人权条约的实施在实体和程序方面都具有重要的意义.国际人权条约实施的国际监督制度主要由条约机构的缔约国报告程序、缔约国间指控来文程序以及个人申诉来文程序三种国际监督程序所组成.在实践中,条约机构主要依据缔约国报告程序和个人申诉来文程序对缔约国实施人权条约进行经常性和具体的监督.国际监督制度在促进缔约国实施人权条约方面发挥了一定的作用,但仍有待进一步完善.     

基于大系统优化理论的中国—东盟自由贸易区物流协调体系研究

本文认为,根据大系统优化理论构建中国—东盟物流协调系统,将有效解决当前自由贸易区各国物流合作中存在的基础设施总体落后、管理体系与相关法律不健全、物流合作机制作用受限等问题。这是一项艰巨的工作,亟需各国政府、物流行业和企业真诚合作,共建跨国物流协调器,并根据标准化内涵将大系统有效分解成若干子系统;同时要借助日益发达的信息化技术,协调公路、铁路、航空和水运等跨国物流子系统之间的关系。     

后危机时期电子商务国际协调与中国对策

电子商务快速发展带来许多全球化问题,这些问题不能在一国内得到解决,需要各国的协调一致行动。现有的官方和非官方组织在电子商务的多个领域展开协调,有效防止数字鸿沟的继续扩大,为电子商务创造了良好的发展环境,保证了交易数据安全,在消费者保护方面也取得积极效果。中国电子商务起步较晚,应采取积极措施顺应电子商务的全球发展趋势,为后危机时代中国电子商务的发展创造良好的制度环境。     

巧用中国—东盟自由贸易区原产地规则扩大中国与东盟的投资合作

本文在回顾中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)的建立对双边的货物贸易产生了巨大的促进作用后,重点分析如何利用FTA自由贸易区原产地规则来促进双边的投资合作,从而带动贸易的进一步发展.     

国际文化传播的冲突与融合

一切文化首先是民族的，民族文化一旦形成，就深深注入每个民族成员的血管和毛孔中。因此，各民族文化之间包含相互冲突的因素。但一切优秀文化又具有国际性，深刻反映出人类的本性，创造进步的生活方式。在国际文化的传播中，优秀文化被各民族所认同和接受，是通过文化选择机制实现的。多种优秀文化在传播中碰撞，使其精华结合在一起，不断推动各民族文化走向融合     

伊拉克战争与俄美国际战略冲突

对于伊拉克战争 ,俄罗斯外交反应经历了强硬—缓和—再强硬的过程。强硬是其反应的基调 ,当前俄美之间的斗争已转向伊拉克战后安排问题。巨大的经济损失、对外经济战略的失败和俄美之间国际战略的严重冲突 ,决定了俄罗斯外交的基本立场 ,对形势判断有误也是导致俄罗斯激烈反应的不容忽视的因素。就全局而言 ,今后俄美之间还必须寻求妥协与合作 ,但由于国际战略利益的冲突 ,两国之间的共同点在减少 ,分歧在增加 ,两国间的斗争将长期继续下去。在短期内 ,俄罗斯的国际战略环境将趋于恶化 ,俄罗斯外交正进入较困难的时期     

The Role of the Scholar-Practitioner in International Conflict Resolution

Can unofficial, academically based, third-party approaches contribute to the prevention and resolution of international and intercommunal conflicts? The article focuses on one such approach, interactive problem solving, which the author has applied primarily in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. After describing the central tool of the approach, the problem-solving workshop, the article goes on to address the role of interactive problem solving and related approaches to the larger process of conflict resolution. In this context, it discusses the relationship of the microprocess of problem-solving workshops to the macroprocess of international conflict resolution; the relationship between official and unofficial diplomacy; the relationship between practice and scholarship in conflict resolution; the role of the university in the process; and the possibilities for institutionalizing this model of conflict resolution.     

Improving Reputation BIT by BIT: Bilateral Investment Treaties and Foreign Accountability

The literature on foreign direct investment (FDI) has paid an increasing interest to international institutions such as bilateral investment treaties (BITs), but whether BITs help attract FDI is an unsettled question. Building on the existing literature, this article argues that BITs can change investors’ perceptions and the corresponding investment they make because signing BITs signals the involvement of another powerful country that is able to compel the host government to comply. This implies that the effect of BITs is not constant across signatory countries: BITs are more effective when they are signed with rich and influential countries. Using monadic and dyadic FDI data, this article finds that BITs signed with powerful countries (defined as the top six largest economies) lead to an increase in FDI inflows (both from these signatory countries and from other countries). BITs signed with other countries, despite in a larger quantity, have little influence on FDI inflows.     

Deeper Commitment to Human Rights Treaties: Signaling and Investment Risk Perception

Why do some leaders make deeper commitments to human rights treaties (HRAs) by consenting to receive extra monitoring of complaints or communications from individual citizens? Extant theory suggests leaders join HRAs for tangible benefits. However, empirical support for this argument is mixed. To address this mismatch, we approach this question from a different angle. We argue that by ratifying HRAs, leaders send a signal that they are reliable partners who value future returns. Accepting optional articles and protocols that increase monitoring of the state’s human rights behavior, without changing the state’s substantive obligations, helps better signal that the regime does not fear instability nor sees the need to resort to the proscribed abuses in the future. This, in turn, serves as an important middle step to recognizing tangible benefits, such as foreign direct investment, by improving investors’ risk perception of ratified countries.     

Delegating Differences: Bilateral Investment Treaties and Bargaining Over Dispute Resolution Provisions

Bilateral investment treaties (BITs) have become the dominant source of rules on foreign direct investment (FDI), yet these treaties vary significantly in at least one important respect: whether they allow investment disputes to be settled through the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). Through the compilation and careful coding of the text of nearly 1,500 treaties, we identify systematic variation in "legal delegation" to ICSID across BITs and explain this important variation by drawing upon a bargaining framework. Home governments prefer and typically obtain ICSID clauses in their BITs, particularly when internal forces push strongly for such provisions and when they have significantly greater bargaining power than the other signatory. Yet some home governments are less likely to insist upon ICSID clauses if they have historical or military ties with the other government. On the other hand, although host governments are often hostile toward ICSID clauses, particularly when sovereignty costs are high, they are more likely to consent to such clauses when they are heavily constrained by their dependence on the global economy. Our findings have significant implications for those interested in FDI, legalization, international institutions, and interstate bargaining.     

CAFTA背景下中国企业投资东盟农业的SWOT分析

本文运用SWOT分析法对中国-东盟自由贸易区（CAFTA）背景下中国企业投资东盟国家农业所面临的优势、劣势、机遇、威胁进行系统分析，在此基础上，从政府层面提出要搞好服务平台建设、加大资金支持力度、构建企业对外投资风险保障体系，以及从企业层面提出要慎选投资国家及农业投资领域、做好可行性研究、利用华商资源、加大人才培养力度等对策建议。     

CAFTA背景下国际经济与贸易专业实践教学体系探讨

中国—东盟自由贸易区的启动,标志着广西经济将更多地融入世界经济一体化的大家庭中,广西企业将更直接地参与国际竞争。对于从事国     

Parenting Coordination: The Risks of a Hybrid Conflict Resolution Process

Parenting coordination is a conflict resolution process that blends the roles of mediator, decision maker, monitor, assessor, educator, counselor, and enforcer for families involved in high‐conflict divorces. This article explores the potential benefits and risks of blending roles in terms of efficiency, effectiveness, trust, posturing, dual roles, self‐determination, and allegations of bias.     

叙利亚冲突与国际人道主义法的“劫难”

国际人道主义法致力于规制武装冲突,以实现"军事需要"与"人道主义"之间的平衡。叙利亚冲突导致了震撼人类良知的人道主义灾难,也导致了国际人道主义法的巨大灾难。叙利亚冲突本身的特征、一些国家暴虐"反恐"的泛滥,国际人道主义法本身的缺陷,都影响了叙利亚冲突各方关于如何实现"军事需要"的考量,导致各方几乎都忽视了国际人道主义法的要求。以参与方的不平等和非对称为核心特征的叙利亚冲突,代表着全球范围内武装冲突的"新常态"。以平等为基础、以互惠为条件的既有国际人道主义法,已经难以满足此种"新常态"。在推进国际人道主义法的建设过程中,国际社会须将当代武装冲突的非对称性考虑在内,推动某种共同但有区别的责任与义务。国际社会迫切需要确定"恐怖主义"的定义,以免"恐怖主义"标签被进一步泛化和滥用。国际社会还需检视和减少国际人道主义法与国内外其他规范体系之间的矛盾和冲突,弥合不同规范体系之间的裂痕。