宪政文明与和谐社会

宪政文明是政治制度文明和政治主体文明的结合体。它要求良宪、民主、法治与人权四者的结合及在实践中的运作,进而形成具有实践的制度安排与价值追求。宪政文明是实现和谐社会的制度保障,是政治发展的目标性指向和规律性要求,具有合作、妥协与平衡的优良品格。宪政精神与和谐社会的内涵有着内在的暗合共通之处,为和谐社会价值目标的实现提供了一条现实的制度路径。     

政治学研究领域的真与真理

自然科学及一些社会科学学科所求的真--其研究领域中具有稳定性、必然性、决定性的因素,即所研究对象的本质与规律;所求的真理,就是对于所研究对象的本质与规律的正确认识.政治学研究所求的真却不是政治现象或政治事物所固有的本质与规律,而是人民根本利益;政治学研究所求的真理就是对于人民根本利益的正确认识.自然科学的真理的基本性质只是真,不具有善、恶、好、坏的价值性质;政治真理则是真与善的统一.自然科学的真理具有超越时代、国家等界限的普适性,政治真理的适用范围则是特殊的,只适用于特定的时代、国家.     

社会科学期刊编辑基本素养探析

一个合格的社会科学期刊编辑,需要具备社会科学的基本素养,其中,政治素养始终是第一位的。社会科学期刊编辑的基本素养,还表现在讲原则、讲公平上;表现在具有高尚的职业道德、良好的文化修养上;表现在具有扎实的编辑技能和广博的学科知识上。同时,学习进取、开拓创新也是社会科学期刊编辑重要的基本素养。     

浅谈我军政治工作中的群众路线

群众路线作为我军政治工作的根本作风和方法,对于开展我军政治工作作用巨大。军队政治工作中贯彻群众路线,应树立实事求是的观点、相信和依靠群众的观点、领导和群众相结合的观点。贯彻群众路线时要善集群智、善用群力、善解群困、善为群先。     

借助网络有效开展大学生思想政治教育

网络正在向大学渗透,正对大学生的学习和生活产生着广泛而深刻的影响,借助网络开展大学生思想政治教育是时代的选择,我们要通过完善校园网络教育体系,以及加大校园网络监控力度,来有效开展大学生思想政治教育。     

坚持三个结合 做好新时期农村思想政治工作

党的十七届五中全会和中央经济会议把推进农业现代化作为"十二五"时期的一项重大任务,把解决好农业、农村、农民问题作为全党工作的重中之重。做好新时期农村思想政治工作也是解决好三农工作重要任务之一,思想政治工作,是我们党的优良传统。在新时期要使思想政治工作适应新形势、新任务的要求,必须在继承和发扬优良传统的基础上加以创新和改进,增强时代感,与时俱进。     

Aristotle and the Eleatic Stranger on the Nature and Purpose of Political Life

This article argues that Book I of the Politics represents Aristotle's critique of Plato's Eleatic Stranger on the specific character of political rule and the knowledge required for political rule, and that this critique produces a different understanding of the proper division of regimes and the relationship between political theory and practice. These differences can be traced to a more fundamental disagreement about nature: Aristotle sees nature as generally hospitable to human life and argues that the natural end or goal of political association is not mere life but the good life, while the Eleatic perceives nature as hostile and proposes a minimalist politics, aimed primarily at preserving life. Although the Eleatic's view of nature might appear to be closer to and more compatible with modern political thought, the conception of nature Aristotle presents in his Politics offers richer possibilities for political theory and political life.     

对公安院校学生管理工作有关问题的探讨

加强学生管理,做深入细致的思想政治工作,是公安院校学生管理工作的重要内容。搞好公安院校的学生管理工作,要以“三个代表”重要思想为指导,坚持与时俱进,坚持科学发展观,把“以人为本”深入贯彻到思想政治教育中去,坚持人性化管理,这是搞好公安院校学生管理工作的关键。     

矛盾分析法在大学生思想政治教育中的具体运用

矛盾分析法是大学生思想政治教育的根本方法。大学生思想政治教育过程是一个充满矛盾并不断化解矛盾的过程,对大学生思想政治教育过程中的矛盾,我们要坚持具体问题具体分析,善于抓主要矛盾和矛盾的主要方面,积极促使矛盾转化。     

Local Democracy and Political Leadership: Drawing a Map

Different concepts of local democracy imply different tasks, functions and reform strategies for local political leadership. This article draws a map of local democracy that entails four non-exclusive components: representative democracy, user democracy, network democracy and participatory democracy. After reflecting on the nature of local democracy in governance and the functions of political leadership generally, the article considers in turn the bases of constructing the common good within each form of democracy. Special attention is given to the role of political leadership within these forms.     

Conceptualizations of good citizenship and political participation

Theorists have variously defined what it means to be a good citizen. But how do citizensthemselves views their responsibilities? And is there any relationship between a person's view of citizenship and his or her political participation? This paper uses a combination of methods to explore these issues. A Q method study reveals four citizenship perspectives that provide evidence for striking differences in how people define the participatory responsibilities of a good citizen. An exploratory survey analysis finds that the four citizenship perspectives are significantly related to political behavior, even when socioeconomic status and attitudinal variables related to participation are controlled. While adding to our understanding of participation, these findings also underscore the importance of investigating the conceptualizations of citizens to gain more complete understandings of how political systems work.     

后现代合作取向治疗的出场——政治辅导员职业角色冲突化解的新高度路径

政治辅导员制度在当下的中国高校的普遍化实行,造就了中国特色社会主义大学的良好政治定向.但是在这一崇高、深远意义的政治导向的背后,政治辅导员却遭遇到地位的低下、角色冲突、身份的认同的消解.中国现代大学制度的建立一个主要的前提就是政治辅导员身份认同、价值排序的良性运演,这种迫切问题亟需引起教育界、理论界的重视.后现代合作精神取向治疗的出场,为其问题的破解提供的新的路径方式.     

Frederick Douglass and the Politics of Rage

This article defends the dialectical rage of the abolitionist Frederick Douglass because it led to good political judgment and was an effective strategy for political mobilization. The life of Douglass illustrates that rage is not always blind, counter-productive, and violent but can be an appropriate response to injustice. From the vantage point of Douglass, rage emerges as an essential component of democratic citizenship.     

The provision of lighthouses services: a political economy perspective

Ronald Coase’s 1974 article on lighthouses and the Trinity House case, in particular, has triggered extensive debate on the notion of a public good, but also on the possibility of private production of public goods. The resultant literature has discussed the concept of private property and the characteristics of a public good, and offered an economic analysis of the status of lighthouses. This contribution sets out to situate the debate in the context of an economic policy for which the lighthouse is an asset subject to political rent seeking. Thus, it highlights the fact that the characteristics of rivalry and exclusion, which define the public good, are in fact influenced by governments, which decide the nature of the services produced by lighthouses. The weight of the institutional setting, together with political competition for the control of lighthouses, calls for interpretation relating to rent seeking. In this respect, the lighthouse, prior to being a capital asset, has already emerged as a political object that is a source of revenue for certain individuals.     

Public good provision under dictatorship and democracy

The allocation of a government budget between a public good and transfers is modeled under different systems of government. The relatively even distribution of political power among groups in a democracy favors spending on nonexclusive public goods. The more concentrated pattern of political power in a dictatorship favors spending on transfers targeted to powerful groups. The hypothesis on public good provision is examined using cross-country data on public good provision and empirical indicators of political regime. Dictatorial governments are found to provide public schooling, roads, safe water, public sanitation, and pollution control at levels far below democracies.     

浅谈大学生思想政治教育中的美学元素

传统的以灌输为主的理性化大学生思想政治教育方法已不能满足教育的需要,久而久之它导致学生的学习兴趣不高,究其原因是我们忽视了那些本身存在于大学生思想政治教育中的美学元素,没有提升这些美学元素,更没有利用好这些美学元素来进行大学生思想政治教育,以致大学生思想政治教育的实效性受到了影响,因此发现并提升大学生思想政治教育中的美学元素至关重要。     

Metaphysics Postponed: Liberalism, Pluralism, and Neutrality

Many recent liberal theorists have argued that state neutrality is supported by a metaphysical thesis about value, namely pluralism , which asserts that there are some conceptions of the good life which neither form a hierarchy nor represent versions of a single good. It is however doubtful whether neutrality is supported by pluralism; indeed, it may in some cases be precluded by it. Arguments for pluralism can, in many cases, be reconciled with a monistic metaphysics of value, and pluralism itself fails to support neutrality. This is particularly true of traditional liberal policy positions such as religious toleration and opposition to censorship, where attention to diverse conceptions of the good may favour, or demand, non–neutral policies. The political problems which neutrality addresses arise before we accept the metaphysical 'truth' of pluralism, and often remain even if the parties to a political conflict have false conceptions of value. A sharp question for the pluralist neutralist is why conflicting conceptions of the political cannot themselves feature in plural conceptions of the good life. Dispensing with pluralism may not, however, be enough to rescue neutrality, since the disputes which neutrality was designed to deal with may not be resolvable neutrally; and more particularly, some of the traditional liberal policies may be incapable of neutral justification. If so, liberals may find a more traditional form of non–neutral liberalism more attractive.     

增量政治改革与社会主义政治文明建设

分析了政治文明以及中国特色的社会主义政治文明的定义、要素和基本特征,指出增量政治改革或增量民主是建立社会主义政治文明的主要途径。着重论述了增量民主的概念、意义、内容、要点,以及通过增量民主所要达到的治理和善治目标。最后,还试图建立起一套评估中国民主治理的指标体系。     

In Defence of Associative Political Obligations: Part Two

This article continues the defence of associative political obligations begun in Part One. It does so by sketching an argument that supports commonplace ideas about our having a special, ethical relationship with the polity of which we are members. The argument begins by showing how non-voluntary groups in general can have value, and then seeks to identify the generic good of a polity: that good is the provision of order and security. While this is a necessary condition of associative political obligations, it is not sufficient. It needs to be supplemented by an argument explaining why we have obligations to the particular polity of which we are members. This 'associative' argument has two sides to it. The first explains how membership of a polity is for most people something like an ascribed status; that is, an identity or role that a person is taken to occupy without having chosen it. The second suggests how, through a process of identification, we incorporate membership within our self-understanding. The article concludes with some brief remarks about anarchism and why political obligation matters.     

Citizenship rights in Malaysia: the experience of social and institutional discrimination among ethnic minorities

This article examines the experience of political, social and cultural rights for Malaysia's ethnic minorities. Using a survey method, our research finds that while Malaysia has made substantial economic progress, lack of attention to political, social and cultural rights for ethnic minorities in Malaysia has meant that ethnic minorities have become increasingly dissatisfied with their experience of citizenship. Experiences of institutional and social discrimination within Malaysia's ethnically differentiated model of citizenship are common. Such experiences can lead to low levels of confidence in Malaysia's national institutions and have the capacity to undermine the kind of political support that is necessary for good governance and national stability.