群众史观与"领导权力"的本质

人们一般把“领导权力”理解为支配他人的能力、力量。这种认识过于简单、肤浅,背后隐藏着英雄史观思想。从群众史观的角度认识“领导权力”,实质上是在一定的社会群体的实践活动中为了一定的利益目标,在领导者与被领导者之间的相互作用、相互制约的过程中,领导者所形成、具有和体现出来的真正能够调动、组织、指挥、率领大多数人凝聚为更大合力,实现特定目标的强制性与非强制性统一的能力和力量。这样认识“领导权力”的实质,对于中国的社会主义现代化建设特别是贯彻科学发展观和建设和谐社会具有极其重要的理论和现实意义。     

如何理解史学研究中的“范式转换”

究竟什么是"范式"(paradigm,或译规范、典范)?其实这一概念的发明者库恩也从未给出明确的定义.     

西方“社会”观念概要追溯——从柏拉图到霍布斯的社会观分析

西方传统社会思想认为,"社会"一词的使用常是概括性、含蓄的;那么,在西方历史中"社会"的观念意味着如何理解历史中"社会"概念及其继承。在西方社会思想史的基础上对西方"社会"的概念和使用做出回溯性观察,通过对核心哲学思想家的论述从中分析"社会"观念变化的脉络。     

“走出阿尔都塞”还是“回到阿尔都塞”:学术史效应和思想史研究的辩证

国内对阿尔都塞的研究呈现出一种"走出阿尔都塞"的倾向,越来越强调阿尔都塞的理论影响和学术史效应,以及与西方左翼激进政治话语进行理论对话,"后阿尔都塞派"的影响越来越大。针对这种趋势,我们认为更应该"回到阿尔都塞"对阿尔都塞进行思想史的研究。学术史效应应该以思想史研究为基础,夯实学术史争论的理论基础和文本思想依据。阿尔都塞思想史研究应该以当代学术史的争论和政治实践效应为背景,从理论上介入当代学术政治史的争论。建立二者之间的"解释学循环",有助于建立阿尔都塞研究的历史性和当代性之间的"视域融合",超越割裂二者辩证关系的理论原教旨主义和庸俗的实践政治化倾向。     

世界历史与自然历史--阿多诺《否定的辩证法》研究

在<否定的辩证法>中,如果说第三部分的第一章是围绕康德实践理性批判所作的道德哲学讨论,那么第二章,阿多诺的讨论则是在历史哲学中围绕黑格尔客观的普遍世界精神观念而展开的,关涉中心是世界历史与自然历史的关系性研究.这同样是一个范围宏大的理论视域.阿多诺的理论着眼点在于,对于个人来说总是客观优先的自发性事实总体与真实世界历史的关系.在这个初成于1932年的思想片断中,我们可以看到阿多诺通过黑格尔哲学的中介对马克思历史哲学的深入反思.     

大家与“大家”:走向口述历史的深处

口述史学在中国虽然起步较晚,但是近些年来口述历史的写作却是红红火火,一派繁荣景象。然而,繁荣背后隐藏的正是口述史学的真正危机:"泡沫化·空心化"现象,理论研究与实践脱节严重等。旨在通过对口述史学中大家书写与"大家"研究之间现状的展现,从而呼吁学术界应该更加关注口述史学理论与实践的结合。     

论"知识解释说"在中西哲学史上之价值

"知识解释说"是在经验论、理性论、建构论之外的另一种有关知识的理论,此种理论有一个优点,就是能打通中西哲学史上的诸多壁垒,如知识与意见之隔阂、发现与发明之隔阂、理智与直觉之隔阂、科学与形上学之隔阂、综合命题与分析命题之隔阂等.这恐怕正是"知识解释说"在中西哲学史上的价值所在.     

India in Search of Itself: The Crisis and Opportunity of Indo-Globalization

The benefits of today's Indo-globalization have bypassed those most in need: the nearly 70% of the workforce that remains in agriculture. Only about 1.3 million of the total workforce have a tangible stake in India's vaunted New Economy. While that globalized sector lifts the aggregate economy toward nearly double digit growth, there will be little of China's labor-intensive industrialization to take up the slack as 70 million Indians enter the workforce over the next five years. This is a country with more indigenous billionaires than any except the US, yet one in three of the 1.1 billion population subsists on less than $1 per day. These are not the wages of substantive democracy, or even sustainable plutocracy. Globalized India will sink or swim by how well it negotiates its coming clash between haves and have-nots. Talk of a “Shining India” almost always omits reference to the rising scourge of Naxalism in the derelict countryside. The rural meltdown has reached such a scale that the usual Naxalite question must be reversed. Instead of asking how the movement became so widespread, we should ponder why it is not wider still. There is no doubt that the Other India will fight back against globalization on these terms. The only question is whether this resistance can be brought into the fold of mainstream Indian politics, thereby producing a uniquely democratic Indo-globalization.     

From Vlaams Blok to Vlaams Belang: The Belgian Far-Right Renames Itself

On 14 November 2004, the Belgian far-right party Vlaams Blok changed its name to Vlaams Belang and instituted a number of changes in its programme. This was a response to the earlier decision of the Court of Cassation which had found Vlaams Blok to be in violation of the law against racism. As a result, some of the more extreme positions of Vlaams Blok have been dropped from the new statute of Vlaams Belang. Opinion is divided concerning whether or not the law against racism has worked by effectively setting the parameters for legally acceptable propaganda, or whether the recent changes would help the far-right expand its voter base by making it more mainstream. This article seeks to contrast these two points of view.     

"效率优先,兼顾公平":历史与现实之评述

13年前中共十四届三中全会提出的“效率优先,兼顾公平,”其实质体现的是新旧体制的转换,是用机会均等的公平观对结果均等的公平观的取代。这一提法具有很强的历史和现实合理性。在实践中,我们存在的问题是没有认真落实“兼顾公平”。目前,为了解决严重的分配不公,我们必须更加重视公平。但在很长历史时期,作为战略方针的“效率优先”不能因目前更加重视公平的潮流而牺牲掉。可以说,以经济发展为基础,在效率与公平之间保持适度关系,应当是我们寻找社会主义市场经济体制下制度化分配的指导思想。     

The Executive Divided Against Itself: Cohabitation in France, 1986–1988

From March 1986 to May 1988 France was headed by a leftist President and a rightist Prime Minister. The background to this unusual situation is presented, and the experience itself — referred to as cohabitation — is discussed in detail.
The complex game that the two executive leaders played during the period was regulated by the constitutional rules, conditioned by the electoral calendar and the narrowness of the prime minister's coalition majority, and moderated by public approval and the existence of a bipartisan foreign and defense policy.
The 1986–1988 experience did not overtax the constitutional system, but cohabitation under different conditions could be destabilizing. Cohabitation is like the possibility of the US president being selected by the House of Representatives: not highly probable but possible, not necessarily dangerous but possibly so, and something that arouses little enthusiasm.     

透过中国“廉隅”史看当代廉政建设

中国封建社会的历史也是一部反腐反贪的历史。今昔对比,以史为鉴,我们在思考封建王朝反腐倡廉的得失成败中探讨当代民主制度、法制建设、人权和人本精神、品德修养、教育程度及干部的选拔任用制度等等这些反腐倡廉工作中需要不断完善的环节,不断转变思想观念和权力运行模式,从而推动社会主义国家的反腐倡廉工作。     

Bad History

If history is a sort of radar for the ship of state, then the machine has broken down, just at the point where Gordon Brown, trained as a historian, takes over control. Caught up in the best-seller business, popularised on TV, it has come to reflect metropolitan commercial drives, the obsessions of The Hitler Channel or the 'publish or be damned' ethos of the Research Assessment Exercise. Fashionable discourses about identity and postmodern consumerism, and the palsied traditions of Fogeydomboth remote from the basic business of getting, spending and governing-may offer a niche-marketing future, but are more likely to speed the vessel towards the rocks.     

"历史向'世界历史'转变"的过程与环节——兼论"唯物史观"对社会历史解释的主线和界域

"历史向‘世界历史'的转变"是马克思、恩格斯论证"唯物史观"最重要的论据之一.在<德意志意识形态·费尔巴哈>章"未誊清稿Ⅲ"开头的两个片段中,他们详尽地描述了由城乡分离→行会制度的建立→商人作为一特殊阶层的出现→工场手工业的产生→人口跨国度的迁徙和"流浪"→"商业和工场手工业集中于一个国家的现象"→大工业的发展与垄断等各个环节次第过渡的历史进程.正是对这些细节的描摹和勾勒昭示出"唯物史观"的思维主线、思考重点、擅长领域和诠释界域,更提供了我们透视招致其之后坎坷命运的内在理论根由.因此,不应该把"唯物史观"对历史的解释简单化、极端化.