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1.
Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington ‐ Bonn ‐ Berlin (Bonn: Bouvier, 1993)

Elizabeth Pond, Beyond the Wall (Washington: Brookings, 1993)

Stephen Szabo, The Diplomacy of German Unification (New York: St Martin's, 1993).  相似文献   

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The Lawrence medal in question was purchased some thirty years ago in New Zealand and the obverse side had clearly been filed down. Relatively few Lawrence medals were ever struck, but extensive research has not yet revealed the identity of the original recipient of a medal now safely back with the Society  相似文献   

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Since the termination of its nuclear weapons programme, commenced in 1989 and verified by the International Atomic Energy Agency's (IAEA) in 1993, successive South African governments have consistently advocated the country's commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. South Africa has secured a niche role through norm construction and state identity for itself through its nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA. The article explores aspects of South Africa's nuclear diplomacy with the IAEA as an example of niche diplomacy. Therefore, it traces South Africa's diplomatic relations with the IAEA, starting with the IAEA's verification process and the implementation of a Safeguards Agreement (1989–1994) through the conversion of South Africa's research nuclear reactor (1991–2005); South Africa's position on greater representation for developing countries on the IAEA's Board of Governors; its ambition to be elected to the position of IAEA Director General (2008–2009); and its refusal to support the establishment of a nuclear fuel bank in Russia under the IAEA's auspices (2009–2010).  相似文献   

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日本外交的“钟摆”现象   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
日本民主党上台执政以来,在对美、对华政策上发生了一些明显变化,概括起来说,这些变化其实都是小泉下台以后的历任内阁对日本外交战略调整的继续。关于小泉以后至管内阁以前日本外交战略调整的过程,具体可以分3个阶段来考察:第1阶段是安倍、麻生的价值观外交所体现的“疏美防华”倾向;第2阶段是以“新福田主义”为特点的“亲美返亚”倾向;第3阶段是以鸠山的“友爱外交”为中心内容所表现出的“脱美入亚”倾向。其中,安倍的“疏美防华”仍然未消除冷战思维的阴影;鸠山的“脱关入亚”略带理想主义色彩;只有福田的“亲美入亚”具有现实性,预示着日本21世纪对美、对华外交战略的发展方向,也是菅内阁外交政策的方向标。  相似文献   

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This paper considers the extent to which South Africa utilises positive economic statecraft to promote human rights in the region – that is, the degree to which it mobilises its economic engagement to affect a desirable political outcome in its foreign engagements in Southern Africa. The country's reaction to crises in Zimbabwe and Swaziland over the past 20 years is a strong indicator of the limits of South Africa's statecraft in this regard. These engagements highlight the inevitable clash between the country's principled preference for ‘non-interference’ in the affairs of sovereign states and its constitutional mandate to respect and promote human rights. Despite eschewing the role of ‘regional hegemon’, there is an expectation that South Africa will play an integral role in securing regional stability. Yet there is little evidence to suggest that the country chooses to approach resolving regional challenges with a co-ordinated political and economic approach. This paper argues that, to be more effective in spreading a progressive regional agenda that encourages democracy, governance and human rights, South Africa needs to incorporate a stronger element of positive economic statecraft in its foreign policy implementation.  相似文献   

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Discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity in Africa has received growing attention as some states have passed harsh laws against sexual minorities. South Africa stands out as one of the few states in Africa with constitutional guarantees and a strong legislative framework to protect sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) rights. However, Pretoria's SOGI stance in Africa is uncertain. While South Africa sometimes assertively supports SOGI rights abroad, at other points it ambivalently backs away from the issue. This paper examines the array of domestic and regional dynamics that inform South Africa's approach to SOGI issues. The article concludes by discussing recent scholarship on the negative socioeconomic impacts of marginalising sexual minorities. This research indicates that, if South Africa pursues a foreign policy that more clearly defends SOGI rights, it can both promote its values and further its interests throughout Africa.  相似文献   

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This article examines the role of sub-state diplomacy, defined as the transnational linkages of sub-national governments, in bridging the gap between foreign policy and the domestic development agenda in South Africa. It argues that, as territorial sub-state actors, provinces and municipalities are strategically positioned to use their international relations to make foreign policy more responsive to domestic socio-economic priorities. In the South African case, however, this potential is yet to be fully realised, mainly because of institutional fragmentation of the foreign policy apparatus, but also owing to enduring challenges in the foreign activities of sub-national governments. The article concludes by making the case for a new diplomatic paradigm in South Africa, one that actively promotes and harnesses the foreign activities and capacities of different national stakeholders, including those of sub-national governments, in the interest of the domestic development agenda.  相似文献   

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In 1979, China waged a brief but bloody war with Vietnam, with the hopes of punishing Hanoi for its invasion and occupation of Cambodia the previous year. Beijing’s attempt at coercive diplomacy was an embarrassing failure, however, resulting in tens of thousands of casualties for both sides. This article, using Alexander George’s models of coercive diplomacy and crisis management, examines the reasons for China’s failed coercion and confirms that the most important variable was the omnipresent military threat from the Soviet Union, which prevented China from successfully escalating the crisis to its advantage.  相似文献   

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本文主要运用国际政治经济学的相关理论,以俄罗斯的能源外交为研究对象,揭示能源领域的政治与经济互动机制.俄罗斯政府出台的<2020年前俄罗斯能源战略基本要点>,使油气能源成为实现国家外交战略目标的重要手段,根据国际政治经济学的相关理论进行分析,本文认为俄罗斯政府试图并已经获得能源生产领域的"结构性权力",并利用这种权力来推行其外交战略,但俄罗斯政府在实施其能源战略与外交的过程中也受到多方面因素的掣肘.  相似文献   

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Burkina Faso and Taiwan restored official relations in 1994, after which Taipei's aid has been generous. Taiwan's approach to official development assistance has remained largely traditional, closely linking its public diplomacy to its foreign policy objectives. Trade between both countries has remained very modest. In the same period, because of mainland China's rise and active strategy of ‘going out’, Burkina Faso has developed a robust trade and business relationship with China. As a result, the pull to establish official ties with China (and thus end ties with Taiwan) has become a domestic political issue. After the ousting of President Blaise Compaoré in 2014, a failed coup and then the return to democracy as seen in the November 2015 elections, this debate has become more public. While Burkina Faso has remained faithful to Taiwan and continues to publicly appreciate its assistance, there is no certainty that the political values that both Burkina Faso and Taiwan share will prevent a Burkinabe move towards China.  相似文献   

14.
Indian engagement in East Africa’s health sector is multifaceted, comprehensive and involves national and subnational actors. It includes exports of low cost generics, building health infrastructure, aid, technical assistance and hosting medical tourists among others. This paper, based on extensive fieldwork conducted with multiple stakeholders in Kenya and Ethiopia, provides an overview of the various components of India’s co-operation in the East African health sector and identifies pharmaceutical manufacturing as a space for Indian actors to leverage their strengths. It focuses on two case studies of manufacturers: a third-generation company in Kenya owned by members of the Indian diaspora, and a newly formed subsidiary of an Indian corporation in Ethiopia. These case studies inform the larger debate on India’s health diplomacy on the continent and the myriad ways in which the Indian state as well as corporates can enhance existing co-operation.  相似文献   

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A key challenge for Africa in post‐conflict situations lies in the building of capacity to implement ‘stabilisation and reconstruction’ initiatives, combining security with state building and developmental efforts. The authors look at work already done in this regard in the United States and Britain and discuss what Africa should do to get up to speed.  相似文献   

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The article suggests that strategies for African engagement can no longer take sweeping views of the continent but need to differentiate policy responses. It also suggests that the real key to improving Africa lies with African leadership rather than external agencies and assistance.  相似文献   

18.
Environmental diplomacy could play a vitally important role in the complicated political world of Northeast Asia, according to Shohei Yonemoto and Robert Triendl. If handled carefully, they argue, environmental objectives could serve as important substitutes for addressing security questions and as opportunities for institution‐building. Shohei Yonemoto is Director of the Science and Society Program at the Mitsubishi Kasei Institute of Life Sciences in Machida, near Tokyo. Robert Triendl is a science policy analyst formerly affiliated with the Center for the Sociology of Innovation at the Paris School of Mines, and is presently a research fellow at the Mitsubishi Kasei Institute.  相似文献   

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