中东欧政治转型的类型、进程和特点

由于内外部各种因素的不同,中东欧国家近20年的政治发展呈现出两种模式。一种是波兰等国的平稳演进型,即政治发展相对平稳、民主制度比较巩固,与西方国家的政治体制比较接近;另一种是除斯洛文尼亚外的前南地区的冲突裂变型,即政治发展受民族主义影响比较大,民主化引发了国家分裂和民族冲突。建立西方式民主制是各国政治转型的既定目标,两种类型都不会退回到社会主义时期的一党政治;但民主化并不是中东欧历史的终结,国情的多样性为各国培育新的民主模式提供了可能性。     

Knowledge-Sharing Subsidiaries in Central and Eastern Europe

This paper investigates reverse knowledge transfer of foreign multinational subsidiaries in Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary) in the light of the current political and economic transformations of these former communist countries. The study examines whether foreign subsidiaries in the region share their knowledge base with their sister-subsidiaries and parent company, and the role of various factors in this knowledge sharing. These factors include subsidiary initiative, subsidiary autonomy, local dynamism and corporate embeddedness. A proprietary dataset is used for statistical analysis.     

Social shock in transforming Central and Eastern Europe

Central and Eastern European societies, in spite of significant successes of transformation, are in a social shock. Economic hardship, unemployment, lower income and even poverty for many, and social polarization played a role in disappointment. The main reason of social shock, however, was cultural, the sharp collision of state socialist, and traditional values on the one hand and new values and social behavioral requirements on the other. The doors opened widely, but most of the people were frightened to enter into an unknown world. Social-behavioral changes are generations-long processes.     

中东欧经济转轨与全球化

苏东剧变后,中东欧国家毫无例外地摒弃了计划经济,实行市场经济。从1989年开始,这个转轨进程已经历时14年,并与全球化进程有着密切的关系。     

Continuity and change in Russia's policy toward Central and Eastern Europe

The accession of the CEE states to NATO and the European Union has put an end to the geopolitical ambiguity and implicit insecurity in the region between Russia and the so-called ‘Old Europe’. Instead of being an area of great powers' rivalry, elements of ‘buffer belts’ lacking meaningful strategic options, objects of raw Nazi-Soviet deals, or zones under Russian occupation and domination, the three Baltic States and the Visegrad group countries became full-fledged members of the European Union and were given NATO's security guarantees. By the middle of the 2000s, one would conclude that traditional geopolitics had ended in this region.However, the changes in the strategic situation in CEE have not changed the deep rooted moving forces and long-term strategic goals of the Russian policy toward the region. Moscow seeks to have the position, as its official rhetoric says, of an ‘influential centre of a multipolar world’ that would be nearly equal to the USA, China, or the EU. With this in view Moscow seeks for the establishment of its domination over the new independent states of the former USSR and for the formation of a sphere of influence for itself in Central Eastern Europe. If it achieves these goals, then Europe may return once again to traditional geopolitics fraught with great power rivalries and permanent instabilities radiating far beyond CEE borders.Yet a few questions remain. Has Russia come to the conclusion that attempting to restore its privileged position of influence in Central-Eastern Europe is wrong? Has Russia enough power to threaten the CEE countries? How credible are NATO's security guarantees? How may Russian behavior in CEE affect a wider European geopolitical context? These questions are appropriate in the light of Russia's ‘resurgence’ as a revanchist power and because Russia is, and most probably will remain in the next five to ten years, a weighty economic and strategic factor in areas along the Western borders of the former USSR.     

东欧国家“回归欧洲”中的政治变迁

2004年5月1日，波兰、匈牙利、捷克、斯洛伐克和斯洛文尼亚五国正式成为欧盟成员国；随后，罗马尼亚和保加利亚两国被确定为2007年第二批入盟候选国；西巴尔干五国也在加快入盟达标的步伐。欧洲历史上一次大规模的整合，通过北约和欧盟几乎同时进行的东扩得以实现。这次整合，以具有“回归欧洲”情结的东欧国家为主角，以和平的方式在两个属性不同的联盟机构中进行，     

Cohesion Policy and the Evolution of Regional Policy in Central and Eastern Europe

The paper considers the extent to which domestic regional policy in the Central East European EU member states has been ‘subsumed’ into cohesion policy approaches. It acknowledges that directions of domestic regional policy change vary with processes of EU policy transfer, adaptation, emulation or resistance. This variation occurs across time and across member states. Crucially, the paper argues that interaction between cohesion policy and national regional policy systems also varies according to different regional policy components. Drawing on research from across the member states, the analysis breaks policy down into a number of key dimensions (objectives, instruments, spatial targeting and governance) and assesses the interaction between EU and domestic approaches and agendas.     

The International and Historical Dimensions of Romani Migration in Central and Eastern Europe

This article analyses how migration has affected the Roma in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since they entered both regions in the Middle Ages. It explores the importance of migration in the culture and history of the Roma and looks at how forced migration has harmed the Roma and helped build some of the negative stereotypes and prejudices that have haunted them until today.     

东欧制度变迁中的政党与政治思潮研究

本文通过对苏联、东欧国家十几年来政党格局和社会政治思潮变化的分析,考察了制度变迁的特点与后果.苏联、东欧国家制度变迁的过程中,政党出现了异乎寻常的剧烈变动,原来执政的共产党纷纷倒台.实行多党制后,政党政治逐渐走向制度化,议会也成为国家政治的中心,基本上进入西方现代资本主义国家的政体范畴,从政治体制上结束了斯大林模式.同时,各国原有的以马克思主义为主导的主流文化丧失,各种潜在的或外来的政治思潮涌现,在制度变迁中起着催化剂的作用.自由主义、民主社会主义和民族主义这三股思潮在苏东国家制度变迁和变迁后的十几年中,不同程度地左右着政局和社会的变化.由此给我们的启示是,执政党要充分认识社会政治思潮的重要作用,在社会主义建设实践中要不断总结经验,不断进行理论创新.     

波兰、中东欧国家体制转轨的深层次原因

转轨的核心是摈弃原社会主义制度人们普遍认为,中东欧国家后社会主义转轨始于1989年,首先出现在波兰。随后“现实社会主义的衰落”,或者有些人认为是“共产主义的垮台”遍及整个地区。随之而来的问题便由此产生。在欧洲及亚洲广大地区上运转了几十年的体制是因为自身运转不利而轻而易举地衰落,还是被外力推翻？如果是被推翻,是谁一手造成的,是内因,还是迫于外界压力？     

中东欧的民粹主义基础及其影响——兼论中国与中东欧国家关系

中东欧民粹政党有大量社会底层支持者,农民是最有代表性的民粹主义基础。从历史制度主义的视角看,以农民为代表的中东欧民粹支持者与历史上保守势力的支持基础有类似的逻辑。在农业仍为关键产业的中东欧国家,当传统经济受到转型后突如其来的外部经济影响时,既有经济结构和生产关系受到严峻挑战,在本土保守势力的推动下,竞争力不足的中东欧国家呼吁保护传统经济,反对以西欧为代表的新自由主义的价值腐化、以威权整肃国内腐败、强调历史上的民族荣光、复兴宗教及家庭伦理等。这一思潮被民粹政党用以获取政治权力。在外部经济压力下,农民、城市底层民众、经济民族主义者、保守的政治精英、大文化中心论者共同构成支持民粹主义的基础,民粹政党的兴起是精英和大众共同推动的结果。中东欧民粹政党自该地区转型后就出现在政治舞台,其影响深度和广度是欧洲其他地区所不及的。有鉴于此,探索一条以民粹主义基础为导向的策略路径,整合政府、企业和民间机构三类实践主体,有助于强化中国在中东欧的影响力。积极推进民粹政党或执政党的对华合作,是中国强化和拓展中东欧地区利益的重要方向。     

Economic Transformation Outside the Law: Corruption,Trust in Public Institutions and the Informal Economy in Transition Countries of Central and Eastern Europe

This article considers the role of the informal economy in Central and Eastern European post-communist countries. The informal economy is defined as the ‘black’ economy, which is monetised but outside the law (often illegal) on the one hand and the ‘household’ and ‘social’ economies which are non-monetised and non-legal in the sense that they are outside of legislation. The article shows that in some countries the black economy is very important for supporting household incomes (Serbia and Croatia) and in other countries the household or social economies are predominant (especially Romania and Ukraine). In a third group of countries the formal economy predominates over other economies (especially the Czech Republic and Hungary). The article goes on to look at what kinds of people participate in these different economies and concludes that whilst the household and social economies are a social safety net for the poor, the elderly and those in rural areas, the black economy is more likely to be an option for those who are already better off to improve their incomes. The article considers the implications of this for attitudes to the legitimacy of the public realm and finds that greater participation in the informal economy is associated with both loss of trust in public institutions and increased perception of corruption. Therefore it is hypothesised that economic activities that take place ‘outside the law’ could lead to a decline in confidence in the state, although there are important variations between countries.